What will be the main issues in the by-election?
SAPP will be campaigning along state-related issues such as the 20-point and autonomy for Sabah. PKR will be campaigning along the same issues and will entice the voters by claiming that it is a national party whose track record has been proven after the 2008 election. PBS will focus on its performance in Batu Sapi under the late Chong and that it is a popular local-based party to represent Sabahans at the federal level. PBS will also harp on the slogan 1Malaysia by the Najib Administration and will remind the voters that BN is their only hope.
Who are the candidates and what are their chances?
It has been revealed that SAPP President Yong Teck Lee will stand on SAPP ticket while PKR will be represented by a prominent lawyer, Ansari Abdullah. The indication is strong that PBS will be fielding Chong’s wife, Linda. If the battle is between SAPP and PBS, SAPP would stand a good chance of winning. SAPP is a local-based party that has gained prominence for championing Sabah issues. Regional sentiments are still very strong in Sabah and SAPP knows how to play with them very well. For many Sabahans, SAPP is the new “champion” of Sabah, a role that used to be played by PBS. To some Sabahans, PBS has lost its “claws” and its president Pairin is seen as Chief Minister Musa’s blue-eyed boy. Ansari is an outsider to the Batu Sapi people. So, his chances are quite slim. Further, many people have become disenchanted with PKR for its failure in playing its role as a credible opposition party in Sabah. With Jeffrey now distancing himself from PKR, it would be difficult for the party to win. The series of in-fightings and struggle for power will reduce PKR’s chances of gaining the upper hand. If Linda is chosen, it is going to be difficult for SAPP and PKR to deny BN any chance to win. Being the wife of Chong, the people’s sympathy will play a big role come polling day.
How will the voters vote?
Batu Sapi has a majority of Chinese voters. The Chinese votes will split between SAPP and PBS. PKR will receive only a small number of Chinese votes. The Muslim Bumiputera votes will go to PBS. Their votes will be a sign of endorsement to Sabah UMNO. The non-Muslim votes will also be split between SAPP and PBS. Again, PKR will be at the receiving end. So, it will be a tough fight between SAPP and PBS.
Which party will eventually win in the by-election?
PBS will win with a reduced majority. SAPP will come second followed by PKR. There are many factors that will influence the voters’ decisions. First, the voters will vote for PBS because of their sympathy to Linda. So, even if PBS wins, it will not show anything about the voters’ endorsement to PBS and BN. Second, the large number of voters who will vote for SAPP will indicate a strong endorsement to the party’s role in championing Sabah issues. Thirdly, with only a minimal number of votes going to PKR, the party has a lot more to do to convince Sabahans that it is a party to serve their interests in Sabah.
Saturday, 23 October 2010
Wednesday, 15 September 2010
Hari Malaysia dan Isu Sabah
Setelah sekian lama menunggu, akhirnya Kerajaan Malaysia di bawah pimpinan Najib Razak mengistiharkan 16 September sebagai cuti umum. 16 September juga akan diraikan bersama dengan rakyat Sabah esok. Bagi rakyat Sabah, tarikh ini amat signifikan kerana ia mengingatkan mereka tentang pembentukkan Malaysia pada 16 September 1963. Adakah pengiktirafan ini akan berjaya "melembutkan" hati rakyat Sabah dan seterusnya dapat mempertahankan kedudukan BN? Mungkin ya dan mungkin tidak.
Namun, bagi pendapat saya, BN perlu bekerja lebih keras dan tidak cukup dengan hanya memberi pengiktirafan kepada 16 September sahaja. Dalam tulisan ini, saya, antara lainnya, ingin mengulas kenyataan Ketua Menteri Musa Aman dua bulan lepas yang mana beliau mengatakan rakyat Sabah akan menolak pihak pembangkang yang "berangan-angan" untuk merampas Sabah daripada BN. Mengikut perkembangan semasa, ini memang benar lebih-lebih lagi dengan tumpuan yang diberikan oleh Kerajaan Persekutuan kepada Sabah dan kelemahan pihak pembangkang mengimbangi populariti BN. Namun, Musa dan BN perlu berhati-hati kerana rakyat Sabah mampu membuat kejutan. Masih ingat tahun 1985 apabila Kerajaan Negeri pimpinan Harris Salleh daripada BERJAYA tumbang? Ramai yang tidak menyangka pemimpin kuat dan berpandangan jauh seperti Harris boleh ditundukkan oleh parti "underdog" PBS. Para pengundi hanya menunggu saat yang sesuai untuk mengekspresikan hak demokratik mereka. Aspirasi Musa dan BN untuk melihat Sabah kekal di bawah kuasa BN boleh tercapai jika perkara-perkara berikut ditangani segera.
1. Bertindak menyelesaikan masalah pendatang tanpa izin (PTI) di Sabah. Musa dan BN hanya perlu menunjukkan kesanggupan politik ("political will") untuk menyelesaikan masalah ini. PBS sudah meletakkan "dateline" supaya isu ini dapat diselesaikan. Namun, Musa dan BN harus bertindak dengan lebih pragmatik. Mereka hanya perlu memilih sama ada:
Namun, bagi pendapat saya, BN perlu bekerja lebih keras dan tidak cukup dengan hanya memberi pengiktirafan kepada 16 September sahaja. Dalam tulisan ini, saya, antara lainnya, ingin mengulas kenyataan Ketua Menteri Musa Aman dua bulan lepas yang mana beliau mengatakan rakyat Sabah akan menolak pihak pembangkang yang "berangan-angan" untuk merampas Sabah daripada BN. Mengikut perkembangan semasa, ini memang benar lebih-lebih lagi dengan tumpuan yang diberikan oleh Kerajaan Persekutuan kepada Sabah dan kelemahan pihak pembangkang mengimbangi populariti BN. Namun, Musa dan BN perlu berhati-hati kerana rakyat Sabah mampu membuat kejutan. Masih ingat tahun 1985 apabila Kerajaan Negeri pimpinan Harris Salleh daripada BERJAYA tumbang? Ramai yang tidak menyangka pemimpin kuat dan berpandangan jauh seperti Harris boleh ditundukkan oleh parti "underdog" PBS. Para pengundi hanya menunggu saat yang sesuai untuk mengekspresikan hak demokratik mereka. Aspirasi Musa dan BN untuk melihat Sabah kekal di bawah kuasa BN boleh tercapai jika perkara-perkara berikut ditangani segera.
1. Bertindak menyelesaikan masalah pendatang tanpa izin (PTI) di Sabah. Musa dan BN hanya perlu menunjukkan kesanggupan politik ("political will") untuk menyelesaikan masalah ini. PBS sudah meletakkan "dateline" supaya isu ini dapat diselesaikan. Namun, Musa dan BN harus bertindak dengan lebih pragmatik. Mereka hanya perlu memilih sama ada:
- mengekalkan PTI dan membenarkan mereka bekerja dalam sektor- sektor kritikal yang memerlukan buruh asing;
- melaksanakan program komprehensif untuk menangani masalah PTI. Ini termasuklah membuat satu pelan tindakan yang mempunyai KPI ("Key Performance Index"). Jika KPI tidak tercapai, maka, Musa dan BN harus berani menerima kegagalan mereka. Agak aneh isu PTI tidak dimasukkan ke dalam NKRAs ("National Key Result Areas") yang diumumkan oleh Menteri di Jabatan Perdana Menteri Idris Jala baru-baru ini. Segelintir pemimpin BN juga diam apabila rakyat Sabah menunjukkan kegusaran mereka; dan,
- menghantar pulang semua PTI
Musa harus bertindak segera bagi mengembalikan keyakinan rakyat Sabah. Isu PTI harus ditangani secara "head-on" dan bukan "hangat-hangat tahi ayam".
2. Menyakinkan Sabah bahawa UMNO bukan datang untuk menjajah atau merampas sumber asli negeri tetapi membantu membangunkan sosio-ekonomi rakyat. Kita membaca baru-baru ini cubaan beberapa pemimpin UMNO untuk mengambilalih Tanjong Kapur, Merotai dan Putatan. Ini adalah sesuatu yang tidak sihat dan bercanggah dengan kenyataan Najib supaya ahli-ahli BN tidak menimbulkan isu peruntukan kerusi pilihanraya. Jika benar Musa dan BN serius, budaya politik UMNO harus diubah iaitu mengambil kira sensitiviti parti BN lain dan semua suku kaum di Sabah.
3. Memastikan ekonomi Sabah tetap mapan dan pembahagian kekayaan negeri dibahagi sama rata untuk kepentingan rakyat. Musa dan BN harus menumpukan kepada pembangunan infrastruktur seperti hospital, sekolah dan kemudahan awam. Musa dan BN harus meletakkan kebajikan rakyat sebagai prioriti. Musa dan BN juga harus memastikan harga barangan tidak dinaikkan sesuka hati oleh para peniaga. Di sebuah restoran di Luyang, semangkuk "Kolo Mee" dijual dengan harga RM7.00 - RM8.00! Begitu juga dengan harga rumah. Kebanyakkan golongan berpendapatan pertengahan tidak mampu membeli rumah terutama sekali yang berdekatan dengan bandar. Ini kerana harga rumah yang terlalu mahal dan dipengaruhi oleh faktor spekulasi. Jika mereka tidak mampu membeli rumah, apalagi golongan yang berpendapatan rendah. Musa dan BN harus melihat kepada kepentingan rakyat secara menyeluruh dan memastikan golongan tamak haloba tidak "mengambil kesempatan dalam kesempitan"
4. Antara aset penting Sabah ialah kekayaan flora dan faunanya. Musa dan BN harus memastikan khazanah penting ini dipelihara bagi kepentingan generasi akan datang. Mereka harus memastikan penerokaan sumber tenaga dilaksanakan secara "sustainable". Musa dan BN harus tegas dengan pendirian Kerajaan Negeri untuk tidak membina penjana kuasa arang batu di Lahad Datu. Jika Kerajaan Negeri serius dengan usaha penerokaan sumber tenaga alternatif, maka perancangan jangkamasa panjang haruslah dibuat dan dibentangkan kepada rakyat.
5. Selain kekayaan flora dan fauna, Sabah juga dikenali dengan masyarakat berbilang kaum. Musa dan BN harus serius dan berusaha mengekalkan keunikan masyarakat berbilang kaum Sabah dan memastikan layanan sama rata untuk semua etnik dan agama. Musa dan pemimpin BN lain haruslah mendahului pelaksanan polisi 1Malaysia kerana Sabah dianggap oleh Najib sebagai contoh atau model bagi perpaduan kaum di Malaysia. Polisi 1Malaysia ini tidak cukup hanya dilaung-laungkan dalam bentuk retorik kerana ia harus diterjemahkan dalam bentuk tindakan. Mampukah Musa dan BN turun padang dan membuktikan 1Malaysia berjaya? Jika mampu, rakyat akan sokong termasuklah saya.
6. Musa dan BN harus menangani isu tanah. Ramai pemohon tanah menunggu lama untuk melihat permohonan mereka diluluskan. Musa dan BN harus mencari jalan untuk mengatasi masalah ini. Bagi saya, masalah ini boleh diselesaikan jika puncanya dikenalpasti dan ada keseriusan pada pihak tertentu untuk menyelesaikannya. Rakyat Sabah juga harus dilindungi supaya golongan tamak haloba tidak merampas tanah kepunyaan mereka.
7. Profesor Undang-Undang dan Sejarah Ranjit Singh membuat segelintir orang marah apabila beliau mengatakan sudah tiba masanya rakyat Sabah mengubah persepsi mereka tentang kedudukan Sabah dalam Malaysia. Beliau mengatakan Sabah adalah salah sebuah negeri dalam Malaysia dan bukan sebuah negara yang berhak mendapat layanan istimewa. Ini kerana pemimpin Sabah "bersetuju" untuk meletakkan Sabah di bawah sebuah persekutuan dan "akur" dengan lunas-lunas perlembagaan semasa Malaysia dibentuk. Secara teknikal, Ranjit memang benar tetapi Laporan IGC (Inter Governmental Committee) dan Perkara 20 telah dipersetujui untuk dijadikan asas bagi penyertaan Sabah ke dalam Persekutuan Malaysia. Maka, apa yang sudah dipersetujui haruslah dihormati. Ini kesempatan bagi Musa dan pemimpin BN Sabah untuk mengingatkan Kerajaan Persekutuan pentingnya Perjanjian Malaysia 1963 dihormati semua pihak. Bagi saya, tidak salah bagi Musa dan BN Sabah untuk merujuk perkara dalam Perjanjian Malaysia yang sudah dilanggar dan meminta Kerajaan Persekutuan menelitinya. Rakyat Sabah secara amnya bersetuju untuk terlibat dalam proses integrasi nasional tetapi ini harus dilaksanakan dalam konteks Perjanjian Malaysia 1963.
Sebenarnya, banyak lagi perkara yang harus ditangai oleh Musa dan BN. Senarai yang saya berikan cumalah sebahagian yang sempat saya tulis. Sempena dengan sambutan Hari Malaysia, Musa dan pemimpin BN Sabah harus menggunakan kesempatan ini untuk menyalurkan isi hati rakyat Sabah mengenai isu-isu negeri yang sudah lama dan masih belum dapat diselesaikan. Sebagai pengundi, saya berhak menyarankan cadangan kepada Musa dan BN (termasuk wakil rakyat saya di Sipitang) supaya bekerja lebih keras demi membangun rakyat dan negeri Sabah. Pemimpin yang baik ialah seorang yang akur dan tunduk kepada kemahuan rakyat, dan bersedia untuk menampilkan sikap kebertanggungjawaban ("accountability"). Pemimpin-pemimpin kita harus belajar daripada pemimpin-pemimpin negara Britain dan Amerika Syarikat. Mereka dibayar mahal dan sanggup "dibuang" jika pengundi merasakan mereka tidak berperanan seperti yang diharapkan.
Jika Musa dan BN bersedia untuk mendengar luahan hati rakyat dan bekerja dengan lebih keras, maka, mereka tidak perlu risau dengan aktiviti pihak pembangkang. Pihak pembangkang pula haruslah mengimbangi lawan mereka dengan memperkenalkan polisi-polisi alternatif dan bukan menyerang peribadi lawan.
Dan yang paling penting, marilah kita rakyat Malaysia menggunakan kesempatan ini untuk memperbaharui komitmen kita mempertahankan negara Malaysia yang berbilang kaum, berbilang agama, stabil dan aman.
Selamat Menyambut Hari Malaysia!!!
Sunday, 25 April 2010
Hulu Selangor By-Election: A Vote for Development (Money)
The results of the Hulu Selangor by-election do not come as a surprise to me. Of course, I predicted that PKR would win based on ground sentiments and rift over the choice of BN's candidate. However, I was underestimating BN's capability in manipulating the three Ms (money, media and machinery) (nowadays, it seems like BN is campaigning everyday--even during non-election days--through its propaganda apparatuses namely TV1, TV2 and TV3). Of all the three Ms, it was the first "M" (BN called it "development") which became the decisive factor that turned the tide in Hulu Selangor against PKR. The short campaign period of seven days also proved to be disadvantageous to PKR as they relied on sentiments and national issues to win votes. If you want to convince the voters that sentiments plus issues are more important than development (money) then you need to have more than seven days to change the voters' minds, especially among those who are less educated and less exposed to the media.
BN went all out dispensing huge amount of money to the electorate. Zaid claimed that the ruling coalition spent about RM64 million to win Hulu Selangor while Anwar said it was RM100 million. BN did not need more than seven days to attack Zaid's character and to give cash to the voters. The Felda settlers who have waited for 15 years for the relevant parties to solve their problems, had BN come to their rescue. This forces one to think: why was compensation not given to them when BN was in power? Why only now? Did BN was so desperate to win Hulu Selangor that it did not mind "throwing" money there to prove its "commitment" to develop the area?
Here, I provide to you the amount of money BN spent to win Hulu Selangor. Note that some of the figures were not in the form of on-the-spot endownments (corruption?). They were part of BN's pledge for Hulu Selangor's long-term development should the voters return it to power.
Zaid was banking on his charisma and experience in the federal cabinet, plus his outspokenness on national issues such as ISA (International Security Act), human rights and freedom of speech. The problem is, if you take these issues to a semi-urban area like Hulu Selangor, you might be seen as an idealistic university professor talking to a bunch of fresh graduates. No, I am not saying that the Hulu Selangor voters are incapable of understanding national issues. I am simply being realistic about local politics. A local guy who understands local issue and "local language" might have been more appropriate to stand in order to wrest Hulu Selangor from BN. Hulu Selangor was once a PKR seat but do not forget it had been a BN stronghold before it fell to PKR in 2008. And the vote margin obtained by the PKR candidate in 2008 was less than 200 votes. So, by allowing an "outsider" to take on BN in Hulu Selangor, PKR's chances of winning might have been slightly reduced. Also, fielding a Malay-Muslim with a less liberal outlook might have been more suitable as the battle ground clearly is in the Malay heartlands of Hulu Selangor.
BN said that the party's victory in Hulu Selangor is a mandate to Najib's administration and an endorsement of his 1Malaysia concept, NEM (New Economic Model) and other policies. However, take a closer look: Zaid also obtained a substantial number of votes in the by election. If we translate his popular votes into percentage it would be 48.21 percent compared to BN's 51.78 percent. This is just 3.57 percent difference. BN's supporters can claim the Hulu Selangor victory a referendum or sorts for Najib's leadership but it is one which was attained not on a level playing field. If BN did not use money to entice the voters, if it let the media to report without fear and favour, if it allowed a healthy debate between Kamal and Zaid, if the voters were allowed to vote without a third party's interference, if it let the Election Commission (EC) to act independently, then, yes, BN's victory in Hulu Selangor, is indeed an endorsement of Najib's leadership. Having said all of these, I would say that BN's victory in Hulu Selangor is not Najib's best performance yet. So, he and BN cannot be complacent.
My take on the by-election is that the Hulu Selangor voters voted for development (money) than change. Change might be something that can be easily swallowed in the US (in the case of Obama's presidential victory) but in Malaysia it is not the case. If the Opposition is banking on the word "change" to stay relevant, then it has to educate Malaysians what it entails and how it matters to them. Otherwise, they will view development (read, again, money) as far more important that change. Also, the Opposition cannot solely depend on the public persona of its key leaders to initiate sweeping reform in the country. It has to strengthen its grassroots party machineries and search for young, aggressive and dynamic blood to steer the party. At the rate the Opposition is going, I do not think it is capable of providing any strong challenge to BN let alone take over the government in the upcoming general elections. Not yet. I see the Opposition's performance in Sabah and it is quite appalling.
BN went all out dispensing huge amount of money to the electorate. Zaid claimed that the ruling coalition spent about RM64 million to win Hulu Selangor while Anwar said it was RM100 million. BN did not need more than seven days to attack Zaid's character and to give cash to the voters. The Felda settlers who have waited for 15 years for the relevant parties to solve their problems, had BN come to their rescue. This forces one to think: why was compensation not given to them when BN was in power? Why only now? Did BN was so desperate to win Hulu Selangor that it did not mind "throwing" money there to prove its "commitment" to develop the area?
Here, I provide to you the amount of money BN spent to win Hulu Selangor. Note that some of the figures were not in the form of on-the-spot endownments (corruption?). They were part of BN's pledge for Hulu Selangor's long-term development should the voters return it to power.
- During his visit to an ailing kidney patient, Najib "announced that the Federal Government would allocate RM15,000 a month or RM180,000 annually as welfare assistance for 53 families". At the same time, Najib also "approved RM30,000 for Kelab Muhibbah Kampung Baru, Kuala Kubu Baru to construct a new building" (The Star, 25 April 2010)
- The Chinese in Rasa had reason to be happy when Najib allocated RM3 million to build a new school for them (The Star, 25 April 2010)
- The Indians were also not spared from receiving a "goodie" from the Prime Minister. Najib gave a letter of undertaking to the Seri Maha Mariamman Temple in Kalumpang so that they could build a new temple on a piece of land. Of course, they would only get what is promised to them if they voted for BN (The Star, 25 April 2010)
- In an attempt to win the votes of the former Felda settlers in Sungai Buaya, Najib plegded to pay them RM18.15 million for having had to wait the payment for the sale of their lands. Some of them received RM50 000 (RM49 000 as a bank draft and RM1000 in cash) (New Straits Times, 24 April, 2010). But that was not it. Najib also pledged to pay the remaining compensation money "at a rate of RM160 000 per acre when the land is developed". Again, this would come with a price: the voters must vote for BN in order the "facilitate" the remaining payment once the land is developed. The former settlers were also given an insurance policy worth RM10 000 (The Star, 25 April 2010)
- After Sungai Buaya, Najib approved another allocation of RM90 000 to a local Chinese association to upgrade a road leading to a cemetary (New Straits Times, 24 April, 2010)
Zaid was banking on his charisma and experience in the federal cabinet, plus his outspokenness on national issues such as ISA (International Security Act), human rights and freedom of speech. The problem is, if you take these issues to a semi-urban area like Hulu Selangor, you might be seen as an idealistic university professor talking to a bunch of fresh graduates. No, I am not saying that the Hulu Selangor voters are incapable of understanding national issues. I am simply being realistic about local politics. A local guy who understands local issue and "local language" might have been more appropriate to stand in order to wrest Hulu Selangor from BN. Hulu Selangor was once a PKR seat but do not forget it had been a BN stronghold before it fell to PKR in 2008. And the vote margin obtained by the PKR candidate in 2008 was less than 200 votes. So, by allowing an "outsider" to take on BN in Hulu Selangor, PKR's chances of winning might have been slightly reduced. Also, fielding a Malay-Muslim with a less liberal outlook might have been more suitable as the battle ground clearly is in the Malay heartlands of Hulu Selangor.
BN said that the party's victory in Hulu Selangor is a mandate to Najib's administration and an endorsement of his 1Malaysia concept, NEM (New Economic Model) and other policies. However, take a closer look: Zaid also obtained a substantial number of votes in the by election. If we translate his popular votes into percentage it would be 48.21 percent compared to BN's 51.78 percent. This is just 3.57 percent difference. BN's supporters can claim the Hulu Selangor victory a referendum or sorts for Najib's leadership but it is one which was attained not on a level playing field. If BN did not use money to entice the voters, if it let the media to report without fear and favour, if it allowed a healthy debate between Kamal and Zaid, if the voters were allowed to vote without a third party's interference, if it let the Election Commission (EC) to act independently, then, yes, BN's victory in Hulu Selangor, is indeed an endorsement of Najib's leadership. Having said all of these, I would say that BN's victory in Hulu Selangor is not Najib's best performance yet. So, he and BN cannot be complacent.
My take on the by-election is that the Hulu Selangor voters voted for development (money) than change. Change might be something that can be easily swallowed in the US (in the case of Obama's presidential victory) but in Malaysia it is not the case. If the Opposition is banking on the word "change" to stay relevant, then it has to educate Malaysians what it entails and how it matters to them. Otherwise, they will view development (read, again, money) as far more important that change. Also, the Opposition cannot solely depend on the public persona of its key leaders to initiate sweeping reform in the country. It has to strengthen its grassroots party machineries and search for young, aggressive and dynamic blood to steer the party. At the rate the Opposition is going, I do not think it is capable of providing any strong challenge to BN let alone take over the government in the upcoming general elections. Not yet. I see the Opposition's performance in Sabah and it is quite appalling.
Wednesday, 21 April 2010
I am Malaysian and proud of it!!!
The Deputy Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin said that he is Malay first then Malaysian. With all due respect, that is his choice and it is none of our business to dispute that. I asked my students if they are Malaysian first then followed by their ethnic group: I had more than half responding in the affirmative. When it was my turn to respond, I said that I am Malaysian and followed by my ethnic group. Then, I went on to explain why I considered myself as a proud Malaysian.
My father is a Filipino who migrated to Malaysia in 1959, that was two years after Malaysia's independence. To be more specific, he comes from the Illocano ethnic tribe who lives on the Ilo-Ilo Islands in Central Luzon. The Illocanos are known for their warmth and generosity. That is why my father's small business in Sipitang is not profitable as he is too generous with tenants who flaunt their unpaid house rentals. For my father, the proclamation of Malaysia as a new nation in 1963 was unforgettable as he was one of those hopeful immigrants who witnessed the historic event. All in all, my father has been in Malaysia for more than 50 good years. He tried to apply for a Malaysian citizenship more than three times but to no avail. When I wrote to the Ministry of Home Affairs asking why his application had been turned down, it replied that it was the prerogative of the Minister to approve or disapprove my father's application. Yes, no reasons given! Had my father changed his religion and name, he would have become a Malaysian citizen long time ago. However, he was not the type of person who was willing to compromise his principle. Despite living in the evangelical tradition of ours, my father has remained steadfast to his Roman Catholic faith. My father does not have a formal education and has been a tractor driver all his life. He speaks good Bahasa Malaysia and has pledged loyalty to the country. All he wants in his life is to become a Malaysian citizen (p/s: my father is a strong PBS and Pairin supporter, too. And he told me that he once worked with Chief Minister Musa Aman's timber company)
My mother is a Lundayeh from Sipitang. The Lundayeh is believed to have originated from Pa' Kemaluh in Kalimantan Indonesia. Her race is loosely categorised as Dayak by the authority there. While my grandfather is a Lundayeh, my grandmother is a Lengilu. Some say the Lengilu is one of the fiercest ethnic tribes in Kalimantan those days. The Lengilus regarded headhunting as a way of life and symbolised pride and honour. My wife is a Kenyah-Kelabit from Long Lellang in Miri, Sarawak. The only way to get there is through logging roads and by small aircraft. In Sarawak, her ethnic tribe is loosely described as "Orang Ulu" (up-river people). My wife speaks fluently in three different languages: Kenyah, Kelabit and Iban. To my surprise, when I first met her, she spoke in Iban with her father and mother! When I went to the Registration Department to register my newborn, I put Kenyah as her race, following her mum's. I had no choice, I could not leave the race and religion columns blank as this would pose trouble to my child later. Do not forget, this is Malaysia.
Did you all get the whole picture? Due to this complex ethnic diversity, I consider myself unique and this in all make me a proud Malaysian. I do not care what those people want to call me. I remember when I was a little kid, I used to be called "anak pelipin" (son to a Filipino). Those days (and I believe even today), when you were a Filipino, the locals would see you negatively because they would associate you with all sorts of social problems like murder, robbery and what not. Coincidently, yes, Filipinos at one time topped the list in police statistics. However, recent data has shown that more and more locals are involved in criminal acts. Of course, there are locals who try to dispute this but I have nothing to say to them. Look at the facts and be receptive to them. I scolded my students who used the word "pilak" to call Filipinos from the southern Philippines. The word carries a very negative connotation that implies social backwardness and ineptitude. I told my students to be fair to immigrants who come to the country to earn money and to live peacefully. Of course, those who come illegally must be sent back and those who have broken the country's laws must not be allowed to return until they "repent".
So, you see, our society has been programmed to look at things according to the racial lenses. Racial stereotype is still very strong in Malaysia. We should learn from the Americans who are colour-blind and who regard themselves as Americans first and followed by their ethnic origin. Unless we change our mindset, we can say goodbye to "1Malaysia". I have nothing but scorn for Malaysians who are chauvinistic and narrowed-minded about their race. So, you can call me a Lundayeh, a Filipino, "anak pelipin", a "pilak", a Kelabit, a Kenyah, an Iban, and what not. I just do not care because I am Malaysian and proud of it!
My father is a Filipino who migrated to Malaysia in 1959, that was two years after Malaysia's independence. To be more specific, he comes from the Illocano ethnic tribe who lives on the Ilo-Ilo Islands in Central Luzon. The Illocanos are known for their warmth and generosity. That is why my father's small business in Sipitang is not profitable as he is too generous with tenants who flaunt their unpaid house rentals. For my father, the proclamation of Malaysia as a new nation in 1963 was unforgettable as he was one of those hopeful immigrants who witnessed the historic event. All in all, my father has been in Malaysia for more than 50 good years. He tried to apply for a Malaysian citizenship more than three times but to no avail. When I wrote to the Ministry of Home Affairs asking why his application had been turned down, it replied that it was the prerogative of the Minister to approve or disapprove my father's application. Yes, no reasons given! Had my father changed his religion and name, he would have become a Malaysian citizen long time ago. However, he was not the type of person who was willing to compromise his principle. Despite living in the evangelical tradition of ours, my father has remained steadfast to his Roman Catholic faith. My father does not have a formal education and has been a tractor driver all his life. He speaks good Bahasa Malaysia and has pledged loyalty to the country. All he wants in his life is to become a Malaysian citizen (p/s: my father is a strong PBS and Pairin supporter, too. And he told me that he once worked with Chief Minister Musa Aman's timber company)
My mother is a Lundayeh from Sipitang. The Lundayeh is believed to have originated from Pa' Kemaluh in Kalimantan Indonesia. Her race is loosely categorised as Dayak by the authority there. While my grandfather is a Lundayeh, my grandmother is a Lengilu. Some say the Lengilu is one of the fiercest ethnic tribes in Kalimantan those days. The Lengilus regarded headhunting as a way of life and symbolised pride and honour. My wife is a Kenyah-Kelabit from Long Lellang in Miri, Sarawak. The only way to get there is through logging roads and by small aircraft. In Sarawak, her ethnic tribe is loosely described as "Orang Ulu" (up-river people). My wife speaks fluently in three different languages: Kenyah, Kelabit and Iban. To my surprise, when I first met her, she spoke in Iban with her father and mother! When I went to the Registration Department to register my newborn, I put Kenyah as her race, following her mum's. I had no choice, I could not leave the race and religion columns blank as this would pose trouble to my child later. Do not forget, this is Malaysia.
Did you all get the whole picture? Due to this complex ethnic diversity, I consider myself unique and this in all make me a proud Malaysian. I do not care what those people want to call me. I remember when I was a little kid, I used to be called "anak pelipin" (son to a Filipino). Those days (and I believe even today), when you were a Filipino, the locals would see you negatively because they would associate you with all sorts of social problems like murder, robbery and what not. Coincidently, yes, Filipinos at one time topped the list in police statistics. However, recent data has shown that more and more locals are involved in criminal acts. Of course, there are locals who try to dispute this but I have nothing to say to them. Look at the facts and be receptive to them. I scolded my students who used the word "pilak" to call Filipinos from the southern Philippines. The word carries a very negative connotation that implies social backwardness and ineptitude. I told my students to be fair to immigrants who come to the country to earn money and to live peacefully. Of course, those who come illegally must be sent back and those who have broken the country's laws must not be allowed to return until they "repent".
So, you see, our society has been programmed to look at things according to the racial lenses. Racial stereotype is still very strong in Malaysia. We should learn from the Americans who are colour-blind and who regard themselves as Americans first and followed by their ethnic origin. Unless we change our mindset, we can say goodbye to "1Malaysia". I have nothing but scorn for Malaysians who are chauvinistic and narrowed-minded about their race. So, you can call me a Lundayeh, a Filipino, "anak pelipin", a "pilak", a Kelabit, a Kenyah, an Iban, and what not. I just do not care because I am Malaysian and proud of it!
Thursday, 7 January 2010
Allah or other name, let us not blanket ourselves with religious bigotry
The attacks on churches in Klang Valley are indeed despicable and an act of cowardice. The government must take every possible action to bring the perpetrators to justice and to ensure that the safety of Christians are given the utmost importance. I have just returned from class and discussed the Allah issue with my students. Of course, there were disagreements towards whether the Christians should be allowed to use the word or not. The disagreements were primarily theological and historical but I do not want to argue about either one of them here in this blog. Despite the disagreements, we hastened to believe that there is hope for Malaysia to become a model for inter-religious and inter-racial harmony if the issue is tackled justly, taking into consideration the interest of the country as a whole. The government must do what is RIGHT for the country and not being influenced by a few people who have the agenda to undermine the country's religious tolerance. Personally, I am shocked to learn that such attacks have happened in Malaysia that claims itself to be a "model" Islamic country. I received a message from a friend telling me about the attacks. At first, I did not believe that such thing would happen in Malaysia especially after the government has given the assurance that it would make sure no untoward incidences would happen while waiting for the court to make its decision on the Allah issue.
If the government wants to maintain Malaysia's image as a "model" Islamic country and to ensure a continued peace and stability, it has to do the following actions--and they must be done immediately.
First, the government has to consider establishing a National Religious Council to advise it on matters related to religion. So far, the government has only one religious adviser with a ministerial portfolio in the Prime Minister's Department. The government must accept the fact that Malaysia is also home to numerous religious adherents who want their rights to be protected. Having a permanent National Religious Council will ensure that issues related to religious sensitivity are dealt with rationally and justly. This Religious Council should act not only as an advisory body but as the highest decision-making entity to oversee religious affairs in the country. As I wrote before in this blog, membership in the Council has to reflect Malaysia's diverse religious communities. We can call the Council 1Malaysia National Religious Council. Again, as I suggested in my earlier posting, the head of the Council has to be rotated among the main religious leaders in Malaysia.
Second, the government must initiate a regular inter-religious dialogue among religious leaders in the country. This inter-religious dialogue must serve as a platform for the religious leaders to find a common ground and to determine universal religious values that are acceptable to all Malaysians. If Muslims, Christians and other religious adherents share a common ground and promote the same universal religious values, I believe any issue related to religion can be dealt with easily.
Third, the government must not practice double standard in addressing religious issues. Even though Islam is clearly stated as the official religion in the country, the government must CONVINCE Malaysians that it is also a government that champions the religious freedom of others. It is indeed time for Najib to prove that his 1Malaysia concept is not just a political rhetoric but a workable slogan that can be translated into real actions for the benefits of all Malaysians.
For all Malaysians, we can play our part in preserving the religious harmony in our country. We do not have to go to the streets to demonstrate, to throw Molotov cocktails to intimidate others, to write inflammable comments to incite fear and anger, or to resort to all kinds of actions that do not help to calm the tension among Malaysians.
I call on all Malaysians to view this issue seriously and to speak up in defense of religious freedom in Malaysia. I know for sure that a lot of Malaysians out there are concerned about what is happening but have chosen to be in the silent minority. I call these people the "progressives" and "moderates". I sincerely believe that Malaysia's hope now lies in the action of these people who want to see the country to move forward and who regard the Allah issue as "petty". Our real concern should be how to develop the economy, how to produce university students of high quality, how to reduce the incidence of poverty, how to achieve the so-called Vision 2020, and other numerous challenges that will determine Malaysia's success in the international arena. Seeing the whole episode of the Kartika incidence and now the Allah issue, I can only conclude that unless there is a drastic change in Malaysia, it will never achieve its dream of becoming a developed country in 2020. A developed country will not allow its citizens to spend much of their quality time to argue endlessly about religion. So, really, the choice is in our hands.
If the government wants to maintain Malaysia's image as a "model" Islamic country and to ensure a continued peace and stability, it has to do the following actions--and they must be done immediately.
First, the government has to consider establishing a National Religious Council to advise it on matters related to religion. So far, the government has only one religious adviser with a ministerial portfolio in the Prime Minister's Department. The government must accept the fact that Malaysia is also home to numerous religious adherents who want their rights to be protected. Having a permanent National Religious Council will ensure that issues related to religious sensitivity are dealt with rationally and justly. This Religious Council should act not only as an advisory body but as the highest decision-making entity to oversee religious affairs in the country. As I wrote before in this blog, membership in the Council has to reflect Malaysia's diverse religious communities. We can call the Council 1Malaysia National Religious Council. Again, as I suggested in my earlier posting, the head of the Council has to be rotated among the main religious leaders in Malaysia.
Second, the government must initiate a regular inter-religious dialogue among religious leaders in the country. This inter-religious dialogue must serve as a platform for the religious leaders to find a common ground and to determine universal religious values that are acceptable to all Malaysians. If Muslims, Christians and other religious adherents share a common ground and promote the same universal religious values, I believe any issue related to religion can be dealt with easily.
Third, the government must not practice double standard in addressing religious issues. Even though Islam is clearly stated as the official religion in the country, the government must CONVINCE Malaysians that it is also a government that champions the religious freedom of others. It is indeed time for Najib to prove that his 1Malaysia concept is not just a political rhetoric but a workable slogan that can be translated into real actions for the benefits of all Malaysians.
For all Malaysians, we can play our part in preserving the religious harmony in our country. We do not have to go to the streets to demonstrate, to throw Molotov cocktails to intimidate others, to write inflammable comments to incite fear and anger, or to resort to all kinds of actions that do not help to calm the tension among Malaysians.
I call on all Malaysians to view this issue seriously and to speak up in defense of religious freedom in Malaysia. I know for sure that a lot of Malaysians out there are concerned about what is happening but have chosen to be in the silent minority. I call these people the "progressives" and "moderates". I sincerely believe that Malaysia's hope now lies in the action of these people who want to see the country to move forward and who regard the Allah issue as "petty". Our real concern should be how to develop the economy, how to produce university students of high quality, how to reduce the incidence of poverty, how to achieve the so-called Vision 2020, and other numerous challenges that will determine Malaysia's success in the international arena. Seeing the whole episode of the Kartika incidence and now the Allah issue, I can only conclude that unless there is a drastic change in Malaysia, it will never achieve its dream of becoming a developed country in 2020. A developed country will not allow its citizens to spend much of their quality time to argue endlessly about religion. So, really, the choice is in our hands.
Sunday, 20 September 2009
Our Three Merdeka Challenges
On the 15th September 2009, I was invited to give a talk on the formation of Malaysia in 1963. Other speakers who were invited were Ansari Abdullah, a prominent lawyer and PKR supremo, Datuk Kalakau Untol, the President of USDA (United Sabah Dusun Association), former member of the Dewan Negara, Datuk Karim Ghani , former PBS Supreme Council Member and human rights activist, Dr. Chong Eng Leong, and MD Mutalib, a writer who is known for his works on illegal immigrants in Sabah. Here's the English translation of my speech. Comments are welcome.
First of all, I would like to thank the committee of this merdeka celebration for inviting me to give a talk. It is indeed an honour for me to share my thoughts on the meaning of merdeka particularly on the significance of the formation of Malaysia in 1963. But before I continue, let me be honest with you all that I do not intend to re-interpret the history regarding the formation of Malaysia in 1963. I think everyone of us here knows the significance of the event that led to the formation of our country we call Malaysia. But here’s what I want to share with you today: I want to share with you the three main challenges that we as Malaysians will face as we move forward to realise our dream of becoming a developed nation by the year 2020. I think our merdeka celebration will be meaningful if we mobilise our efforts in overcoming these challenges. The meaning of merdeka for me is not just about freeing ourselves from the yolk of colonisation or being empowered to decide what is best for our country; merdeka for me is more than that: it is about realising the challenges that are real to our nation and focusing our struggle on findings ways and means to overcome those challenges. Let me warn you that Malaysia as a nation is doomed to fail if these challenges are not addressed.
The first challenge that we will be confronted with is how to maintain the inter-racial and inter-religious harmony in our country. To me merdeka means nothing if we are still unable to live in peace and harmony despite our racial and religious differences. The key to achieve this is tolerance. Tolerance means “the willingness to accept other people’s behaviour and beliefs, although one might not agree with or approve of them”. The recent controversy over the relocation of a Hindu temple in Selangor shows that the message of tolerance is still not widespread among some segments of society. To make matters worse, some politicians show no sensitivity over the issue. To say that a cow’s head symbolises the stupidity of the Selangor Government, in itself, is an act of stupidity of the highest order. Don’t these people realise that a cow is considered sacred by the Hindus? I still remember that when I was in secondary school, I learnt how to be tolerant to my Muslim friends. My room was located next to a surau. When the azan prayer was performed, I was the first person to wake up. At first, it really annoyed me and I didn’t know how to complain. But living in a multi-racial and multi-religious country, I taught myself to be tolerant. And I was able to tolerate the azan prayer for years until I left boarding school. A couple of years ago, I went to Sibu to do a field research. I had a chance to visit the Sibu night market. What I saw in the market was really interesting: a Muslim woman selling her kuih-muih next to a Chinese who was selling pork meat. Just several days ago, I visited one of the prominent Muslim political figures in Sabah. What surprised me was that he asked his wife to prepare coffee and biscuits for me! When the wife came, she “accidently” offered a drink to her husband. And her husband cheekily said, “kau tidak taukah kita puasa?” The wife responded, “oh…ya…kan, lupa pula, nilah orang tua”.
We are fortunate that in Sabah the different ethnic groups are able to live peacefully and harmoniously. We should maintain this reciprocity among races and avoid making any attempts that could cause racial and religious conflicts. As long as the 1Malaysia expression in Sabah is intact, I can foresee that Sabah will remain a model for inter-racial and inter-religious harmony in Malaysia. But we may not be able to achieve this if the present political culture remains. This brings me to my next point.
The second challenge is our readiness to move from communal politics to a multi-racial one. Let me explain to you what I mean by communal politics using a very simple illustration. So many people in Sabah are quite critical of UMNO. They say that UMNO is a Malay party and should not meddle, for instance, in the affairs of the Kadazan, Dusun, or Bajau people. But if UMNO is sincere in fighting for the well-being of the indigenous people, I think, it is fairly justified for the party to spread its wings in Sabah. It is good to see that more and more Kadazan, Dusun, and Bajau leaders are now in UMNO. This means that they want to use a powerful party like UMNO to help develop their respective communities. Whether they are successful or not is for the people to judge. The point that I want to make is we can use any party as our platform to pursue our struggle provided we are sincere and honest. But sadly not many politicians nowadays are willing to set aside their personal agenda and be honest and sincere in their struggles. The calls to put the people first is indeed laudable but let us be honest and look around us: how many politicians out there are really serious in putting the people above anything else?
I hope to see a Malay leader, for example, that understands the plights of the Kadazan and Dusun people and is ready to fight for them. In the same way, I hope to see a Kadazan or Dusun leader that fights for the Bajau and Murut people; and a Christian wakil rakyat that sincerely represents his or her predominantly Muslim constituency in parliament. If there is one party that can serve Malaysians well, in my humble opinion, it should be a party that fights for the rights of all ethnic communities in Malaysia. We have seen the struggle of some of the great leaders in our country such as the late Syed Hussien Alatas who co-founded the Malaysian People’s Movement. Alatas was committed in forming a political party that catered for the needs of all ethnic groups and one that cared for social justice and equality among races. Even though he is no longer with us, his ideas on multi-racial politics live on. We should also not forget the struggle of the founding members of Malaysia for their success in gathering people from all walks of life to agree on what our country should be like. Sadly, many of us today choose not to honour the foundation that our founding fathers had laid down for us. That is why, I think, it is critical for the younger generation to re-read and understand the historical background of the formation of Malaysia. When I say re-read, it means asking critical questions and demanding answers from the powers-that-be because they are the ones who normally distort historical facts.
Of course, it is difficult to “re-programme” our minds not to look exclusively for the interests of our own ethnic groups. But if we want to see a sustained racial and religious tolerance in Malaysia, we do not have any other CHOICE but to ABANDON our penchant of using race and religion to win political support.
The third challenge is to maintain racial and religious diversity in Malaysia. Malaysia’s strengths lies in its racial and religious diversity and nothing else. In order to do this, the government has to take several steps. First, efforts have to be made to ensure that all the ethnic groups are adequately represented in the civil service and related government agencies. If the government is serious in wanting to transform 1Malaysia into reality, it has to make sure that no ethnic groups are left out in the decision-making process of the country. The private sector has to follow suit. It has to make sure that employment opportunities are given to all irrespective of race and religion. Secondly, economic opportunities have to be based on healthy competition and not preferential treatment. The decision to abolish the 30 percent equity in foreign companies is laudable but it has to be extended in small medium industries and other direct dealings between the government and private individuals. The country’s economic development has to reflect the participation of various races.
I am not saying that the NEP or NDP is no longer relevant. It is relevant if it is meant for all indigenous groups in Malaysia including those in Sabah and Sarawak. Many of the Kadazan, Dusun, Murut and Iban people in the rural areas are still grappling with the issue of poverty. We cannot deny the fact that NEP/NDP has been successful in reducing poverty level among some segments of society, but there is evidence to suggest that the policy has created a widening economic gap between the so-called Bumiputeras in Sabah and Sarawak and the Malays in Peninsular Malaysia. Instead of focusing on inter-ethnic disparity vis-à-vis Chinese and Malays, the government has to turn its attention on the economic problem that occurs at the intra-ethnic level. The point that I am trying to make here is that it is time for the government to bring these policies to the people in the two East Malaysian states. Otherwise, NEP/NDP will continue to be branded as a tool to enrich certain politically well-connected individuals and an affirmative action policy that is specially designed for only one particular ethnic group.
The formation of Malaysia in 1963 was one of the greatest moments in our history. But the younger generation of Malaysians including some in the corridors of powers have forgotten the significance of the event. Our gathering today shows our seriousness in wanting to honour what our founding fathers had laid down for us. But by just remembering what they had done is not enough, we need to look at what lies ahead for Malaysia and mobilise our efforts in overcoming the challenges that we will be confronted with. We do not have any other alternative but to cease thinking that we are different from each other despite our cultural and religious uniqueness. As a young Malaysian who is keen on seeing peace and harmony are maintained in our country, I call on all of you today in this gathering to join me to reject all forms of racial and religious extremism, and the use of race and religion for political expediency. Thank you for listening and Selamat Menyambut Hari Malaysia.
**********
The first challenge that we will be confronted with is how to maintain the inter-racial and inter-religious harmony in our country. To me merdeka means nothing if we are still unable to live in peace and harmony despite our racial and religious differences. The key to achieve this is tolerance. Tolerance means “the willingness to accept other people’s behaviour and beliefs, although one might not agree with or approve of them”. The recent controversy over the relocation of a Hindu temple in Selangor shows that the message of tolerance is still not widespread among some segments of society. To make matters worse, some politicians show no sensitivity over the issue. To say that a cow’s head symbolises the stupidity of the Selangor Government, in itself, is an act of stupidity of the highest order. Don’t these people realise that a cow is considered sacred by the Hindus? I still remember that when I was in secondary school, I learnt how to be tolerant to my Muslim friends. My room was located next to a surau. When the azan prayer was performed, I was the first person to wake up. At first, it really annoyed me and I didn’t know how to complain. But living in a multi-racial and multi-religious country, I taught myself to be tolerant. And I was able to tolerate the azan prayer for years until I left boarding school. A couple of years ago, I went to Sibu to do a field research. I had a chance to visit the Sibu night market. What I saw in the market was really interesting: a Muslim woman selling her kuih-muih next to a Chinese who was selling pork meat. Just several days ago, I visited one of the prominent Muslim political figures in Sabah. What surprised me was that he asked his wife to prepare coffee and biscuits for me! When the wife came, she “accidently” offered a drink to her husband. And her husband cheekily said, “kau tidak taukah kita puasa?” The wife responded, “oh…ya…kan, lupa pula, nilah orang tua”.
We are fortunate that in Sabah the different ethnic groups are able to live peacefully and harmoniously. We should maintain this reciprocity among races and avoid making any attempts that could cause racial and religious conflicts. As long as the 1Malaysia expression in Sabah is intact, I can foresee that Sabah will remain a model for inter-racial and inter-religious harmony in Malaysia. But we may not be able to achieve this if the present political culture remains. This brings me to my next point.
The second challenge is our readiness to move from communal politics to a multi-racial one. Let me explain to you what I mean by communal politics using a very simple illustration. So many people in Sabah are quite critical of UMNO. They say that UMNO is a Malay party and should not meddle, for instance, in the affairs of the Kadazan, Dusun, or Bajau people. But if UMNO is sincere in fighting for the well-being of the indigenous people, I think, it is fairly justified for the party to spread its wings in Sabah. It is good to see that more and more Kadazan, Dusun, and Bajau leaders are now in UMNO. This means that they want to use a powerful party like UMNO to help develop their respective communities. Whether they are successful or not is for the people to judge. The point that I want to make is we can use any party as our platform to pursue our struggle provided we are sincere and honest. But sadly not many politicians nowadays are willing to set aside their personal agenda and be honest and sincere in their struggles. The calls to put the people first is indeed laudable but let us be honest and look around us: how many politicians out there are really serious in putting the people above anything else?
I hope to see a Malay leader, for example, that understands the plights of the Kadazan and Dusun people and is ready to fight for them. In the same way, I hope to see a Kadazan or Dusun leader that fights for the Bajau and Murut people; and a Christian wakil rakyat that sincerely represents his or her predominantly Muslim constituency in parliament. If there is one party that can serve Malaysians well, in my humble opinion, it should be a party that fights for the rights of all ethnic communities in Malaysia. We have seen the struggle of some of the great leaders in our country such as the late Syed Hussien Alatas who co-founded the Malaysian People’s Movement. Alatas was committed in forming a political party that catered for the needs of all ethnic groups and one that cared for social justice and equality among races. Even though he is no longer with us, his ideas on multi-racial politics live on. We should also not forget the struggle of the founding members of Malaysia for their success in gathering people from all walks of life to agree on what our country should be like. Sadly, many of us today choose not to honour the foundation that our founding fathers had laid down for us. That is why, I think, it is critical for the younger generation to re-read and understand the historical background of the formation of Malaysia. When I say re-read, it means asking critical questions and demanding answers from the powers-that-be because they are the ones who normally distort historical facts.
Of course, it is difficult to “re-programme” our minds not to look exclusively for the interests of our own ethnic groups. But if we want to see a sustained racial and religious tolerance in Malaysia, we do not have any other CHOICE but to ABANDON our penchant of using race and religion to win political support.
The third challenge is to maintain racial and religious diversity in Malaysia. Malaysia’s strengths lies in its racial and religious diversity and nothing else. In order to do this, the government has to take several steps. First, efforts have to be made to ensure that all the ethnic groups are adequately represented in the civil service and related government agencies. If the government is serious in wanting to transform 1Malaysia into reality, it has to make sure that no ethnic groups are left out in the decision-making process of the country. The private sector has to follow suit. It has to make sure that employment opportunities are given to all irrespective of race and religion. Secondly, economic opportunities have to be based on healthy competition and not preferential treatment. The decision to abolish the 30 percent equity in foreign companies is laudable but it has to be extended in small medium industries and other direct dealings between the government and private individuals. The country’s economic development has to reflect the participation of various races.
I am not saying that the NEP or NDP is no longer relevant. It is relevant if it is meant for all indigenous groups in Malaysia including those in Sabah and Sarawak. Many of the Kadazan, Dusun, Murut and Iban people in the rural areas are still grappling with the issue of poverty. We cannot deny the fact that NEP/NDP has been successful in reducing poverty level among some segments of society, but there is evidence to suggest that the policy has created a widening economic gap between the so-called Bumiputeras in Sabah and Sarawak and the Malays in Peninsular Malaysia. Instead of focusing on inter-ethnic disparity vis-à-vis Chinese and Malays, the government has to turn its attention on the economic problem that occurs at the intra-ethnic level. The point that I am trying to make here is that it is time for the government to bring these policies to the people in the two East Malaysian states. Otherwise, NEP/NDP will continue to be branded as a tool to enrich certain politically well-connected individuals and an affirmative action policy that is specially designed for only one particular ethnic group.
The formation of Malaysia in 1963 was one of the greatest moments in our history. But the younger generation of Malaysians including some in the corridors of powers have forgotten the significance of the event. Our gathering today shows our seriousness in wanting to honour what our founding fathers had laid down for us. But by just remembering what they had done is not enough, we need to look at what lies ahead for Malaysia and mobilise our efforts in overcoming the challenges that we will be confronted with. We do not have any other alternative but to cease thinking that we are different from each other despite our cultural and religious uniqueness. As a young Malaysian who is keen on seeing peace and harmony are maintained in our country, I call on all of you today in this gathering to join me to reject all forms of racial and religious extremism, and the use of race and religion for political expediency. Thank you for listening and Selamat Menyambut Hari Malaysia.
**********
Saturday, 14 March 2009
Dealing With Malaysia's Racial and Religious Diversity...Part 3
The decision by Syed Hamid Albar, the Minister of Home Affairs, to overrule the earlier gazette which allows the Christians to use the word Allah did not help calm the religious tension in Malaysia. As a result, more and more people in-the-street feel that the government is trying to hide something and that it seems to be influenced more by religious bigots in an otherwise secular Malaysia. But I am optimistic that the recent religious issue can be solved if right thinking Malaysians start to think beyond race and religion. This would involve several steps, some of which are as follows:
- let the Christians use of the word Allah. The earlier precedent must be used as a point of reference. There is no evidence to point the use of the word Allah as a means to confuse the Muslim community. However, it must be stated that the word Allah has its own theological and doctrinal underpinnings that are especially held by the Christian community regardless from which denominations they come from. The Christian leaders must convince Malaysians that their use of the word Allah is not meant to confuse anyone. I would suggest an open dialogue between the Christian and Muslim leaders (including those affected by the issue) to create better understanding among them. The dialogue should not be an avenue to determine who is right or wrong. It is a first step towards educating Malaysian that a civil, responsible and intellectual dialogue can be held in Malaysia.
- once the government allows the use of the word Allah, the Christian leaders must withdraw their suit against the government. This is to show that they are serious in maintaining inter-religious harmony in Malaysia. Bringing the case to the court will further antagonise the respective parties and this is not healthy to Malaysia in the long run.
- the government must consider establishing a National Religious Council (NRC) to advise the government on how to handle religious sensitivities. Its chairmanship must be rotated among leaders of the main religions in Malaysia. This council is to act as religious adviser to the government.
I believe a majority of Malaysians want to see peace and harmony are maintained. I hope to see more and more progressive Malaysians to come forward and support the country's religious freedom and at the same time "tame" the the movement to turn Malaysia into a theocratic state. Let us put a stop to the Allah issue and start concentrating on more important issues such as reviving the economy and developing the people's socio-economic well-being. I would like to end by appending a piece of writing by a Sabahan which I think knows pretty well how a petty issue such as the Allah issue will not do any good but harm to racial and religious harmony in Malaysia.
**********
Wrangling over a word
By: Amde Sidik
LET me share my experience on the current controversy over the use of the word "Allah".
I'm not arguing about the legality of it since the case is pending before the courts. I'm merely talking about people who I knew for a long time now - the Lundayeh from Sabah, and the Lunbawang from Sarawak. The two are actually of the same ethnicity, but called by two different names in these two different regions. I don't mention other ethnics here, which share the same predicament. The Lundayeh, aren't permitted to use word "Allah" in their prayer book because they are Christian.
This is going by the reason offered by the Home Minister, Datuk Syed Hamid Albar.
The Lundayeh comprise mostly followers of Sidang Injil Borneo (SIB), a relatively new group who professed Christianity due to the efforts of the Borneo Evangelical Mission (BEM).
Hudson Southwell pioneered the mission with his two friends from Melbourne, Australia, who landed in Kuching from Singapore in 1928. They met one of the Rajah Brookes and were given permission to establish this mission. Before Sabah's independence through the formation of Malaysia in 1963, Bahasa Malaysia was already widely spoken throughout Borneo island.
Thus, in mid 60s, BEM changed its name to Sidang Injil Borneo, shortly as SIB.
By the late 50s and early 60s, the religion quickly spread throughout the Brunei Bay region (South West of Borneo). It found its way into Sipitang district, Lawas and Limbang in Sarawak.
The Lundayeh preachers concentrated on their own ethnic group before heading to the interior of Sabah, especially Kota Marudu and Kudat. When I was a child, I used to hear my Lun Dayeh relatives joke about how unsure they were about their new religion, because prior to 1920s most of Borneo people who lived in the interior were animists, and Lundayeh were in the same category until the late 50s.
SIB preachers trained in various places in Sarawak and also in Kalimantan, Indonesia.
Once graduated, these preachers are called Gembala. Linguistically they are very fluent in Bahasa Indonesia. Hence, their Bible came to contain terms very similar to the Malay Muslims like, dosa, syurga, neraka, roh, kiamat, and so on. During my schooling days, especially living in boarding school in the 70s, many of my Lundayeh schoolmates, who were also my relatives and cousins, used to keep their prayer books under their pillows. It was written in Bahasa Indonesia, unlike the Quran, which is written in Arabic.
Hence, in their Bible is mentioned "Allah" in numerous accounts and many other similar terms.
The Kadayan have always been linked with Lundayeh, so too Murut Tagal, Kelabit in Sarawak, and Brunai (Malay Brunei's race). At one time, all except Brunai, were called Orang Darat or people of the interior. My grandfather was a Lun Dayeh adopted by a Kadayan family. He became Muslim, married my grandmother a Kadayan from Sarawak. In Sipitang district, the Lundayeh intermingled with the Kadayan and Brunais since time immemorial and lots of intermarriages have taken place over the centuries. So much so, one can hardly recognise, based on appearance and complexion, whether one is Muslim or not. Even the names sound very much Muslim, Yusuf, Aini, Musa, etc. The modern names of the Lundayeh very much sound Western, such as George, Hendricks, John, etc.
But their last names can be classical, like, Labo, Balang, Singa, Agong, Selutan, Pengiran, etc. My younger brother, a few of my first cousins and I too, have our own Lundayeh name.
Not long ago, if one went to Lawas, in Sarawak, one would find my Lunbawang relatives wearing songkok. Those unfamiliar with the place thought they were Muslim, but they were not.
But my question is, why is it that as time goes by religion becomes a sticking point to our harmony? Political leaders are so bogged down about it when 50 years ago, it was non-issue.
Many of the issues originate from the peninsula and not in Sabah or Sarawak and get blown out of proportion. We end up squabbling over issues which I consider a waste of time and energy when they should be spent on resolving the country's economic problems, unemployment, rising cost of consumer goods, bad roads, toll hike, illegal immigrants etc.
Source: Daily Express, March 15, 2009
**********
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)