RCI on illegal immigrants in Sabah: Najib is taking a bold and risky political move

Prime Minister Najib Razak has announced the Terms of Reference (TOR) for the RCI (Royal Commission of Inquiry) to investigate the illegal immigrant problems in Sabah. The next thing for the investigative body to do is to ensure that the findings are announced before the general election next year. This would be politically risky for Najib depending on the outcomes of the investigation as many UMNO leaders will be implicated. The TOR of the RCI are comprehensive focusing on the issue plaguing Sabah for a long time. However, missing in the TOR is a provision to hold the perpetrators behind the issuance of Malaysian ICs to foreigners accountable. This has riled up opposition leaders who have been pressing the government to prosecute anyone responsible for causing the influx of illegal immigrants into Sabah.

Members of the RCI come from different professional backgrounds and are eminent members of the civil service. However, question has been asked as to why there is no representative from NGOs (Non-Governmental Organisation) or civil society movement. Opposition leaders have also complained that members of the RCI are “pro-establishment”. Now, we come to the timeframe given to the RCI to complete its tasks. Six months might not be enough to investigate a perennial and complex problem. Further, as the timeframe given coincides with the expiry of the parliament’s term, the RCI will have no choice but to complete its investigation before the election is called. This will be difficult as the RCI will have no flexibility in determining the pace of its investigation. What if the RCI wants to extend its investigation due to lack of cooperation from witnesses? Or, what if the RCI needs more time to obtain more data? Holding the election before the RCI completes its mission will only reinforce the notion that the formation of the inquiry body is not more than a “political ploy”. Sabahans have been waiting for so long for actions to be taken.

Despite all the strengths and weaknesses of the RCI, Najib should be commended for taking such a bold and risky political move. Najib is basically putting his head on the chopping board as many of the UMNO leaders are implicated in the issuance of Malaysian ICs through dubious means. If MD Mutalib’s book on “Project IC” and Chong Eng Leong’s “Lest We Forget” are to be taken seriously, some big names are mentioned and it will a difficult task to ask them to respond to the RCI’s queries.

BN might be able to score some points by forming the RCI. The RCI has managed to boost BN’s image in the eyes of Sabahans who want the illegal immigrant problems solved if not sooner, later. The main issue that Najib has to deal with is, will the government have the political will to act based on the recommendations of the RCI? What assurance that the government can give that the RCI will not end up like other previous RCIs? What happens if the findings are not in favour of BN? The onus is on Najib to prove that the government is sincere and Sabahans are not taken for another ride on the illegal immigrants issue.

Impacts of Wilfred and Lajim's withdrawal from BN

*I attended the events organised by Wilfred Bumburing and Lajim Ukin yesterday. Here is my reflection on what will happen next in Sabah politics.

Wilfred and Lajim’s withdrawal did not come as a surprise to many including the Prime Minister. Both had indicated that they wanted to quit earlier but yesterday’s events – one in Tuaran and the other in Beaufort ended months of speculation about Wilfred and Lajim’s political future. The question that many people are asking now is: what would be the impact of the duo’s withdrawal on Sabah politics especially on BN? Before one can generalise the possible impacts of Wilfred and Lajim’s latest political move, one needs to examine their political background.

Wilfred gained prominence during the PBS era, holding the deputy chief minister’s post once and several other ministerial portfolios. He abandoned PBS to join PDS (Parti Demokratik Sabah) that was later changed to UPKO (United Pasok Momogun Kadazandusun Organisation). Wilfred was appointed as the deputy president of UPKO. Wilfred is perhaps best remembered for initiating a Kadazandusun “unity gathering” in Tuaran where several senior Kadazandusun leaders including Joseph Pairin Kitingan, Herman Luping and others pledged to work together for the betterment of the Kadazandusuns. Wilfred is also known for his outspokenness in parliament in voicing out the illegal immigrant problems in Sabah. Apart from that, Wilfred is not as influential as the Kitingan brothers.

Like Wilfred, Lajim also rose to power during the PBS era, he was once a deputy chief minister and a minister in the state cabinet. Lajim is best remembered for triggering the mass defection in PBS that led to the party’s downfall. At last night’s gathering, Lajim admitted that he was coaxed by Anwar Ibrahim to leave PBS and join UMNO for the “sake of the people”. Lajim is a highly popular leader in Beaufort and regarded as “Janang Gayuh” (Paramount Chief) of the Bisaya community. Apart from his amiable character, Lajim is also known for his generosity.

Both, it seems, have impressive political backgrounds. At last night’s gatherings, Lajim and Wilfred decided to withdraw from BN and pledged their support for PR (Pakatan Rakyat). In a separate function, Wilfred declared the formation of the Angkatan Perubahan Sabah (APS) as his new political platform. APS is not a new party but a loose coalition that is “friendly” to PR. Looking closely at APS’ manifesto, it does not contain anything new to the present struggle of the local-based BN and opposition parties. APS pledged to restore the ideal of Malaysia as constructed by the country’s founding fathers. APS also pledged to uphold Sabah’s sovereignty which it claimed as has been eroded by the influx of illegal immigrants into Sabah. Unlike STAR Sabah’s manifesto, APS does not have policy prescriptions to address the Sabah woes. In Beaufort, the same Sabah agenda rhetoric was given by Lajim Ukin. Lajim’s “tukar” slogan is akin to STAR Sabah’s “ini kali lah” tagline. Calling his new political platform Pakatan Perubahan Sabah (PPS), Lajim desired to free Sabah from economically dominant leaders and to bring more developments to his area. Lajim did not mention any specific names when attacking BN but it was obvious that he directed his tirade to Chief Minister Musa Aman.

The gatherings last night attracted a strong crowd. It was estimated that 2000-3000 people attended Wilfred’s gathering in Tuaran. Lajim attracted slightly more around 3000-4000 people.

So, what is in store for Sabah following Wilfred and Lajim’s withdrawal? For sure, it remains to be seen whether one would see spillover effects as a result of their exit. One cannot discount the fact that both are influencial leaders in their own areas. However, whether they can cause ripple effects outside their territories is yet to be seen. Unlike Pairin and Jeffrey, Wilfred is considered as a “rookie” among the Kadazandusuns. He might be able to score some points for his fearlessness in bringing the “Project IC” issue to parliament but there are many other leaders who had started exposing the scandal earlier than him. Wilfred’s “Borneo Agenda” also bears a strong resemblance to Jeffrey’s “Tambunan Declaration” that seeks to restore Sabah’s rights and autonomy. The same thing could also be said of PPS’ manifesto. Many of the points touching on the distribution of oil and gas royalty, the strengthening of the 20 Point Agreement and the restoration of Sabah rights and autonomy are covered by STAR and SAPP earlier.

In the final analysis, the impacts of Wilfred and Lajim’s withdrawal will be minimal, as for now. First, on the policy point of view, both failed to offer meaningful policy prescriptions to address the Sabah issues. This is important as many Sabahans now -- especially the young and educated – support leaders who can provide alternative views in addressing issues of public interests. Second, Wilfred and Lajim do not have influence outside their own territories. For the ordinary Sabahans, Wilfred and Lajim’s withdrawal is nothing more than an attempt by both to regain their lost influence. Third, Wilfred is not a strong and influential Kadazandusun leader. His base support appears to be only in Tamparuli and Tuaran proper. No doubt that Lajim is a strong Bisaya leader but he is not particularly influential in other Muslim areas.

Anwar is banking on Wilfred and Lajim’s influence in the Kadazandusun and Muslim areas. He knows that Jeffrey is still a popular Kadazadusun leader apart from Pairin. But whether or not his plan to gain influence in the Kadazandusun areas through Wilfred will work depend on many factors. Do not forget many of the Kadazandusuns regard Anwar as the mastermind behind PBS’ fall in 1994. They also do not trust him after he refused to wholly support Jeffrey’s Tambunan Declaration. Lajim’s revelation last night that he was coaxed by Anwar to leave PBS and join UMNO might backfire on him. His opponents might use Lajim’s famous 1994 maneuvre to describe him as opportunist leader.

DESAH debate introduces a new political culture in Sabah

The recent debate organised by a newly formed NGO DESAH (Democracy Sabah) has opened a new chapter in Sabah politics. The debate which saw DAP’s Dr Edwin Bosi squaring off with Dr Jeffrey Kitingan of STAR centred around the issue of which alternative party is the best for Sabah. Dr Jeffrey started his opening statement by promoting STAR’s struggles for Sabah. As usual, he took a jab at the Federal Government for taking away Sabah’s rights and autonomy. Dr Jeffrey also talked specifically of STAR’s plan for Sabah. Dr Edwin focused his points on DAP’s objectives and the sacrifices made by its leaders. Interestingly, both avoided criticising each other. They were also not hostile and were able to maintain decorum throughout the debate. In the second round in which both were given the chance to ask questions to each other, Dr Jeffrey once again asked DAP’s commitment in preserving the rights and autonomy of Sabah. Dr Edwin did not disappoint Dr Jeffrey as many of the questions posed to the latter were straighforward and less controversial. Dr Edwin refused to ask any questions to Dr Jeffrey showing once more that he did not want to go at loggerheads with the popular maverick politician. He said he would prefer letting the audience to ask questions later on the DAP. The most interesting part of the debate was during the questions and answers session. Many of the questions were directed to Dr Edwin from mainly STAR’s supporters. Some of the questions were targetted at DAP and its commitment to preserve the rights of Sabahans under Malaysia. Dr Edwin answered many of the questions posted to him calmly. He refused to answer some and deliberately ignored those focusing on his loyalty as a Sabahan who supports a Semenanjung-based party. Many of the participants of the debate were in their 40s, 50s, and late 60s. The audience behaved extremely well. There were no untoward incidences. What does this debate tell about Sabah politics in the future? I can see several things. DESAH’s idea of one-to-one fight is well received by some of the people. The voters are considered at the disadvantage as their leaders of choice are not selected to become candidates. Aspiring candidates are normally chosen by party leaders and not by the voters. This is prevalent in the ruling party Barisan Nasional (BN). Due to this, voters ended up being represented by leaders who are not just incompetent but are unable to voice out their constituents’ grievances effectively. DESAH mooted the debate idea to ensure that the voters can see for themselves whom among the aspiring candidates are most suitable to represent the voters in the parliament. Second, there is growing interest among Sabahans about the importance of a debate. Debate is not part of the Sabah political culture. No debates have ever been conducted in the modern Sabah political history. Politicians go to the pulpit without having their ideas challenged by their opponents or by their voters. The DESAH debate has brought about a new thinking and a new culture in Sabah politics. The willingness of DAP and STAR to participate in the debate shows that they are supportive of a debate among political leaders. Third, the number of participants at the debate is really surprising. Initially, the organiser was expecting around 100-150 people to attend. But the crowd at the inaugural DESAH debate was somewhere between 300-400 people! Some did not mind to stand up for two hours! This is really something! The presence of young, 30- and 40-something participants shows that there is growing interest in political activism in this age group. The Daily Express ran a story about the debate the next day (11 May 2012) focusing on the issues brought by each of the debater. The Borneo Post was less sympathetic saying that the debate was not a debate per se but a public forum as questions were invited from the audience. There may be different perceptions about the debate but the fact remains that elected politicians can no longer sit comfortably and doing nothing. True, there are politicians who refuse to go to the limelight, preferring to act more than to talk. But the whole idea of a debate is not to talk alone; it is about providing the platform for elected leaders to propose, defend, and talk about issues affecting the voters. Voters now want to know how good their leaders are at articulating issues of public interests and what they are going to do to address them. Politicians who say that debates are a waste of time have missed the point and are only making excuses so that they can escape from public scrutiny.

Rakyat are the REAL BOSS

I refer to a recent news report on Free Malaysia Today (March 7, 2012) quoting YB James Masing saying that the rakyat are not the “boss” (loosely meant master) but the elected representatives. This article explains why YB Masing is WRONG. YB Masing must understand that Malaysia practices parliamentary democracy. It means that the rakyat elect their leaders to represent them in parliament. As opposed to direct democracy, representative democracy gives the opportunity to the rakyat to voice their problems in parliament through their representative or wakil rakyat. YB Masing’s claim that the rakyat are the boss before and not after the election is also seriously flawed and shows his lack of understanding of how our political system works. The rakyat are the boss before and even after the election. YB Masing is an elected representative chosen by the rakyat who are his boss. Just because he is a YB (read YANG BERKHIDMAT) and holds a ministerial position in the state cabinet does not mean that the rakyat are subservient to him. Respect to the YB and being subservient to him are too different matters. Respect is earned and no rakyat should be subservient to their YB as they are not slaves. If YB Masing wants the rakyat to respect him, he must first respect the rakyat who are his boss.

YB Masing must realise that his fate as a YB rests in the hand of the rakyat. He is no boss to anyone except to the rakyat who elected him. Another reason why the rakyat are the boss is because YB Masing is accountable to them. He is answerable to the rakyat whose votes give YB Masing the power to safeguard the interest of the rakyat. Without the rakyat, YB Masing is powerless. The rakyat’s interests should come first and not YB Masing’s. He should serve the rakyat, fulfill their needs, understand and solve their problems. Therefore, the rakyat are the boss and not YB Masing.

The problem with YB Masing including some YBs from both sides of the political divide is that, they are still caught in the feudal mentality of the past. Leaders with such a mentality are an impediment to the “People First, Performance Now” slogan championed by Prime Minister Najib Razak. The transformation agenda that the government is now promoting is doomed to fail if the rakyat are treated as slaves and not as equal partners in transforming the country. The rakyat must not be afraid of their YBs. Yes, they must respect them but they must not be subservient. The rakyat must realise that their YBs are their servants as the main role of the YBs is to serve the interest of the rakyat. It is time for the rakyat to rise and to show who the REAL BOSS are.

Pairin and Jeffrey spat does not bode well for Kadazandusun unity and progress

The recent spat between Tan Sri Datuk Seri Panglima Joseph Pairin Kitingan and his brother Datuk Dr Jeffrey Kitingan does not bode well for Kadazandusun unity and progress. The blame game over the 1994 incident has not ended and has revealed the deep mistrust between the two famous brothers. If one would want to blame someone for causing the Kadazandusun to split after 1994, it would be the Kadazandusun leaders themselves. But Pairin did the right thing by conceding honourably to UMNO without causing any political instability. By doing this, Pairin had shown a statesmanlike attitude that earned him admiration among Sabahans. There is no point in blaming anyone for the 1994 incident as everyone was at fault. One could give 1001 reasons for the fall of PBS but at the end of the day, the losers are the rakyat—yes, you and me. Why? We supposed to elect leaders to represent us and solve our problems but we ended up seeing them fighting each other for MONEY and POSITION! Don’t you feel cheated and treated as a servile? The Kadazandusuns have experienced this not once but many times.

It is time for the Kadazandusun leaders to stop blaming each other and start looking forward to develop the Kadazandusuns. The State Assemblyman for Kadamaian Herbert Timbun’s response to Dr Jeffrey has further aggravated the war of words between the latter and his brother. Whether the Kadazandusun leaders realise it or not, the rakyat are now getting frustrated about the kind of politics that their leaders are playing. As Malaysia marches to achieve Vision 2020 and to become a developed country, attacking each other’s personality and character is no longer relevant. The younger generation is looking for leaders who can discuss policy and have ideas on how to develop the country. As a member of the Kadazandusun community (sort of), I do not see the Kadazandusun leaders are doing anything constructive to develop their community. The Kadazandusun leaders can go on with their brand of politics but the rakyat are watching them closely. To regain the confidence of the rakyat, the Kadazandusun leaders must get out of their comfort zone and start doing something constructive for the benefit of the Kadazandusun community.

First, stop the blame game about the reasons for the Kadazandusun to split. Pairin, Dr Jeffrey, Tan Sri Bernard Dompok and Tan Sri Joseph Kurup (and those who claim to represent the Kadazandusuns) have to set aside their ego and look for solutions to solve the plights of the Kadazandusuns. They must have a plan—a practical one at that—to ensure that the Kadazandusuns can contribute meaningfully to the development of the country. One thing that they must ask themselves is: where are the Kadazandusuns in spite of the “transformational mode” the country is now experiencing. They may have different political ideologies but for the sake of the Kadazandusuns, they must place the interest of the rakyat above anything else. Do the honourable thing and you will be remembered for the rest of your life!

Second, Kadazandusun leaders must stop talking about petty issues in the media such as those concerning a person’s personality and character. They must put their qualification and experience to good use such as debating policy and finding practical solutions to the problems faced by the rakyat. Character assassination is an outdated approach to politics in the 21st century. If the Kadazandusun leaders want to remain relevant, they have no choice but to subscribe to the political approach of the modern era. The younger generation whose votes are crucial in the upcoming election is now looking at leaders who are both technologically savvy and able to articulate issues affecting the public.

This letter is not intended to belittle the hardwork and dedication shown by some Kadazandusun leaders. Unfortunately, the number of committed and issue-oriented Kadazandusun leaders is very limited. Datuk Madius Tangau, a former MP for Tuaran and Datuk Donald Mojuntin, an MP for Penampang are some of the leaders young Kadazandusun leaders could look up too. They are many more who shun the media limelight and prefer to work unnoticed. The present Kadazandusun leaders must groom the young leaders and prepare a smooth transition plan for them. Again, do the honourable thing by preparing a way for the emerging leaders to contribute to the betterment of the Kadazandusuns. The future of the Kadazandusuns in Sabah looks gloomy. But it takes a simple step to make it bright again, that is, for all the Kadazandusun leaders to set aside their self interests and to unite the Kadazandusuns for the sake of progress.

The RCI, STAR and AMANAH: what difference can they make???

The RCI: mother of all “campaign” issues

With the general election scheduled to be sometime early or mid this year, the country’s political landscape is fast changing. In Sabah, the issue of RCI has gained momentum. It has been used as a “bargaining tool” by both the BN component parties and the Opposition. Prime Minister Najib Razak has yet to publicly announce the establishment of the RCI but some in the state’s political circles have confirmed that the prime minister has in principle agreed to set up the RCI to address the problem of illegal immigrants in Sabah. Najib cannot afford not to agree as doing so may risk the BN’s chances of retaining Sabah. Indications are strong that if the RCI is not established, at least two of BN component parties, PBS and UPKO will leave the ruling coalition. For Sabah UMNO, in particular, PBS leaving the BN could weaken its support among the Kadazandusuns. Sabah UMNO also cannot afford to lose the PBS as it has support across the diverse Sabah society.

The Opposition has been quick to blame Sabah UMNO for the delay in the establishment of the RCI. Perhaps due to pressures from various quarters, Sabah UMNO information chief Sapawi Ahmad had no choice but to say it publicly that Sabah UMNO supports the RCI. But again, it does not stop the speculation that Sabah UMNO is against the RCI as Sabah UMNO chief Musa Aman has been somewhat evasive when asked to comment on the issue of illegal immigrants. With Sabah UMNO’s public statement in support of the RCI, the onus is now on Najib to decide when the RCI is going to be officially formed, before or after the election. He can choose to announce it before the election to boost the BN’s popularity and to get the RCI to work later after the terms of reference of the RCI are finalised. Whatever Najib’s calculation is, he needs to ensure that the RCI’s terms of work do not put UMNO’s head on the chopping board. Do not forget, most, if not all, of the Sabah UMNO members (including Musa) are implicated in the influx of illegal immigrants into Sabah. In the months to come, the RCI will remain an important issue and will continue to be articulated by the BN component parties and the Opposition.

Can Jeffrey’s STAR “shine” this time?

The maverick politician, Jeffrey Kitingan, who left the PKR in 2010 yet again made everyone surprised with his decision to lead the dormant Sarawak-based party STAR in Sabah. Close to 3000 people attended the party’s launching at the KDCA on January 6, 2012. Jeffrey made it clear that STAR will be an equal partner in the Pakatan Rakyat (PR) in the race to topple the BN in Sabah. This means, instead of contesting under the PR, STAR will lead another opposition coalition consisting of state-based parties in Sabah. Some have called Jeffrey power crazy and a “frog” but no one should underestimate his influence in particular among the Kadazandusuns. When the PKR came to Sabah in 1999, it was not well accepted by the electorate. As a small party with little clout, it lost badly in the 2004 election. When Jeffrey joined the PKR in 2006, he was able to “re-package” the party according to the general sentiments of the Sabah electorate. Jeffrey’s effort paid off. In the 2008 election, the PKR’s popular votes especially in the Kadazandusun areas had increased tremendously. Surprisingly too, the PKR obtained more popular votes than the PBS in the Kadazandusun areas. Unfortunately, Jeffrey, seen as a rising star in PKR was regarded by Anwar and the PKR federal leaders as a threat to their interests in Sabah. Jeffrey’s Borneo Agenda was also not wholly supported by Anwar. This disappointed Jeffrey and he did not wait long to leave the PKR and to establish the UBF (United Borneo Front). But the UBF could not be registered as a political party. Some said that the ROS (Registrar of Societies) was not happy with the word “Borneo” as it carries a strong regional outlook. Now with STAR, Jeffrey is set to provide a strong challenge to BN and PKR. If the PKR fails to strike an amicable deal with Jeffrey, its chances of denying the BN’s two-thirds majority would be substantially reduced. Simply put, the PKR cannot exclude STAR in its plan to topple the BN. And STAR’s chances of making an impact depend largely on Jeffrey’s ability to re-articulate his Borneo Agenda through his new party.

AMANAH, a third force in Sabah?

What’s with the AMANAH (Angkatan Amanah Merdeka) spreading its wing to Sabah? So far, AMANAH is not regarded as a potential threat, both to BN and the Opposition. It is an NGO led by Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah. AMANAH’s aim is to return Malaysia to where the founding fathers wanted it to be. In the past months, talks have been rife that Tengku Razaleigh will turn AMANAH into a political party. But this depends on whether he will be retained as a candidate in his constituency. Tengku Razaleigh himself is unsure about AMANAH’s future. In Sabah, AMANAH is led by Wilfred Bumburing who is rumoured to leave the BN. When AMANAH deputy president Sheikh Fadzir came to Sabah to meet with AMANAH members, most agreed that the NGO be turned into a political party. But then again, it all depends on Tengku Razaleigh’s next move. Even if AMANAH becomes a political party, it will not be able to give any strong impact nationally and in Sabah. Given the sentiment towards semenanjung-based parties in Sabah, AMANAH moving in would not change the state’s current political landscape.

So, one could expect that more new parties will emerge in Sabah soon, not to mention a swarm of individuals offering themselves to contest. Sabah recorded a record number of independent candidates contesting in the 2004 election. It is likely that such a trend will happen again in the upcoming election. There are too many “political heroes” in Sabah wanting to make a difference but only a handful have seriously shown that they have a strong policy platform to execute real change.