GALVANISING SABAH OPPOSITION NOT AN EASY TASK, RECKONS LECTURER

KOTA KINABALU: A political analyst reckons that Sabah’s fractured opposition will continue to remain divided even with former Umno vice president, Datuk Seri Shafie Apdal offering a new game.

Unimas (University Malaysia Sarawak) lecturer, Dr Arnold Puyok observed that Shafie is unlikely to spark off a united opposition front despite early signs of warming up to his entry in to state politics.

“In electoral terms, as for now, it is going to be Barisan Nasional versus all the warring parties that includes Shafie’s (yet to be named and launched) party, Datuk Wilfred Bumburing (Parti Cinta Sabah), Datuk Dr Jeffrey Kitingan (STAR Sabah), Datuk Lajim Ukin (Sabah PKR) and to some extent, Datuk Yong Teck Lee (Sabah Progressive Party).

He reckoned that Shafie who is teaming up with former PKR vice president Darell Leiking to lead the new local based party will face a “tall order” in cobbling together the divided local and national opposition in the state.

“Without fresh leaders with more pragmatic alternative policies, the so-called local opposition alliance will only be good at splitting the votes but not at giving an alternative voice to Sabahans,’’ Dr Puyok suggested.

“If the new local party wants to win support along the issues of state rights, what difference can they make as the Barisan is also taking on local issues like never before,’’ he said.

He also felt that both opposition PKR and DAP were still relevant in Sabah politics as they had won more seats in the last general elections as compared to the local based parties.

“The fact that the DAP and PKR managed to win seats in the last elections shows that Sabahans are willing to vote beyond local parties. It is lack of vision to develop Sabah within the federation of Malaysia and poor leadership that cause the DAP and PKR to lose popularity,’’ he added.

Several PKR and DAP assemblymen are widely speculated to join Shafie’s party that is to be launched sometime next month.

Dr Puyok also opined that Shafie himself lacked the alternative vision for Sabah and there was a general apprehension about his agenda in returning to state politics that will see many watching him but remain non-committal.

“So far, we have not heard anything new from Shafie as far as the fight for Sabah is concerned.

“Shafie was a former pro-federal leader with little grassroots influence in Sabah. Shafie’s sudden u-turn will put him in an awkward position among Sabah regional champions,’’ he added.

He said issues of who is going to lead the new Sabah-based opposition coalition and whether the local opposition would be willing to contest under a common symbol would be tough to resolve.

A source close to Shafie has disclosed that the Semporna Member of Parliament has been in contact with his fellow opposition leaders, both in Sabah and at federal level, to try and work out an understanding so as to prevent multi-cornered fights in the forthcoming general elections.

Source: http://www.borneotoday.net/galvanising-sabah-opposition-not-easy-task-reckons-lecturer/

How far can Shafie go?

Shafie Apdal, who withdrew from UMNO recently is trying hard to revive his political career. It must have been tough for him, now that his political career is hanging in the balance. There have been a lot of talks lately about Shafie’s next move. Will he form a new party and align himself closely with local-based opposition parties? Can Shafie make a difference during these tiring times in Malaysian politics especially Sabah? 

Like Sabah PKR chief Lajim Ukin whose support his confined within his Bisaya stronghold in Beaufort, Shafie’s base support is mainly concentrated in the East Coast and Semporna proper. During his heyday as federal minister, Shafie spent most of time juggling between his ministerial and party duties at the federal level. Through a combination of strong family ties and patronage protection, Shafie cultivated an almost unbreakable relationships with the Bajau and Suluk electorates in the East Coast. 

Outside the East Coast, however, Shafie is persona non grata. Unlike other UMNO leaders such as Musa Aman, Salleh Said and Masidi Manjun, Shafie have no affinity with the Kadazandusun generally. This is one of Shafie’s main weaknesses. 

Securing the support of the Kadazandusun in particular is important as they collectively represent roughly between 30-40 percent of Sabah’s total population. Shafie’s close association with the KDM  (Kadazandusun) Malaysia is seen as his attempt to win the support of the Kadazandusun. But the Kadazandusun mainly see the KDM Malaysia as an outfit to weaken the Kadazandusun support to KDCA (Kadazandusun Cultural Association) and the PBS (Parti Bersatu Sabah). Without a clear vision and credible leadership, the future of KDM Malaysia remains uncertain.  

Most Kadazandusun are with the KDCA and USDA (United Sabah Dusun Association) — two of the oldest and more popular Kadazandusun-based associations. The latest addition is the MNC (Momogun National Congress) that is gaining popularity for its pragmatic socioecomic empowerment programmes. Without strong Kadazandusun support base, it will be difficult for Shafie to widen his grassroots support outside the East Coast.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                     

Shafie’s next challenge is to form an alliance with local-based opposition parties. This will not be easy as Shafie is long known for his pro-federal policies. Shafie’s sudden u-turn could backfire as many see it as his attempt to revive his fading popularity. The questions are: what difference can Shafie make? Will he propose different if not more innovative policy prescriptions for a better Sabah? Or, will he simply promote the “Sabah for Sabahans" battlecry without offering anything constructive in return for Sabahans?  

With the clock ticking, Shafie is racing against time to make his next move. It is possible for Shafie to form his own party or take over any of the existing parties in Sabah. Recruiting new members and making the new party relevant to Sabahans will be Shafie’s main challenge. If Shafie succeeded in forming an alliance with local-based opposition parties, what policy platform would the alliance promote and who would lead it? 

Whether he likes it or not, Shafie, the new “Sabah champion”, will have to join the other local champions long known for their anti-federal and strong regional outlook. While many in Sabah have welcomed Shafie’s return to state politics, others have this to say to him: “all the best gaman”.

Najib's political headache

These are tiring times for Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak. Najib has so far managed to stay in power despite the flurry of attacks on his leadership. Political debacles have almost cost Najib his prime ministership and the popularity of the ruling coalition Barisan Nasional (BN). Facing the prospect of losing the people’s mandate in the 2018 general election, Najib is racing against time to regain public confidence.

Earlier in 2015, an expose revealed a controversial 2.6 billion ringgit (US$700 million) ‘donation’ into Najib’s personal account. This was initially attributed to Najib siphoning funds from the 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB), Malaysia’s state-owned development company. Najib appeared on television to answer questions from critics and gave point-by-point rebuttals to the 1MDB controversy.

But these have failed to assuage public dissatisfaction. Some critics still believe that Najib siphoned public funds from the 1MDB — even though that allegation has not been proven in court or by independent audit firms. Najib is now left with the CEO of the 1MDB Arul Kanda to address the misconception toward the 1MDB and to implement a rationalisation plan in order to reduce its debt.
Najib’s problems do not end there. The 2.6 billion ringgit in his personal account has dented his reputation further, even though the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission has evidence that the money was from a donor, not the 1MDB. Critics are still unhappy as questions such as what the money was for, and whether there were any strings attached, have not been answered.

The person who has launched a major ‘crusade’ to end Najib’s political career is none other than Najib’s predecessor-turned-nemesis Mahathir Mohamad. Mahathir — the ‘PM slayer’, as one author has put it — is the single most potent force behind the campaign to oust Najib. The 90-year-old former premier’s allegations against Najib are not without defect, but many think that Mahathir is telling the truth.

After 22 years of entrenched rule in Malaysia, Mahathir is seen by some as the ‘knight in shining armour’ that could save Malaysia from Najib. Even though the prospect of Mahathir making a comeback is next to impossible, he still has influence in the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), Mahathir and Najib’s political party. Anti-Najib party members are supporting Mahathir either openly or secretly. While most UMNO divisional leaders are firmly behind Najib, this may change depending on the momentum of the anti-Najib movement in UMNO.

Although he is criticised and mocked on the home front, Najib has scored some brownie points on the international stage. In the aftermath of the MH17 crash in July 2014, Najib negotiated deftly with pro-Russian rebel leaders to allow rescuers to extract bodies and to secure crucial flight information from the crash site in eastern Ukraine.

Najib has to also play a tough balancing act dealing with China and the United States — the two major superpowers arguing over territorial disputes in the South China Sea. Najib has established good ties with both countries by allowing both American and Chinese naval ships to use Malaysian ports for transport or military training purposes.

So, can Najib and the BN survive the general election in 2018? The answer to this question depends on how Najib and the ruling party react to calls for reform. Before attempting to address Malaysia’s domestic impasse, it is important for Najib to exert a stronger and firmer hold on the government, especially the civil service. The civil servants are the key to the success of Najib’s ‘transformation agenda’. But some civil servants are bent on Najib’s downfall. Many sensitive government documents have been leaked on social media and opposition leaders have used them to attack the government.

The BN should learn from Singapore’s People’s Action Party (PAP), which won the 2015 Singapore general election. Its success taught a valuable lesson to incumbent governments around the world about securing electoral victory in the face of growing public disenchantment. The key to winning is to boldly address public concerns by making tough policy decisions. In the 2011 election, the PAP won with a popular vote of only 60 per cent — the lowest it had ever recorded in its 60 years of history. It reacted proactively to public criticism, and changed many of its policy positions on issues such as affordable housing, immigration and economic stagnation. In September, the PAP won the election with 69.9 per cent of the popular vote.

The PAP’s major electoral victory in Singapore shows that a dominant party system is still alive in Southeast Asia. In Malaysia, the BN lost its two-thirds majority in 2008 and 2013. There is a real possibility that its popular support will dip further in the coming election. It is important for Najib and the BN to display some real leadership in addressing people-oriented issues.

Najib should push for good governance and take matters of public interest to heart. The goods and services tax has forced more people to dig deeper into their pockets despite rising prices of essential goods and housing. The most hit economically are young middle-income professionals and graduates. While the 2.6 billion ringgit donation, the 1MDB and Mahathir’s challenge are major headaches for Najib, they will not matter much in determining his and the BN’s future in Malaysian politics.

First published on East Asia Forum (http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2015/11/26/najibs-political-headache-2/)

The rise of Adenan and leadership

It is rare to see a leader who has achieved so much in such a short time. John F Kennedy, Martin Luther King, Abraham Lincoln and the likes are among leaders who have done remarkable things before their reign of power ended abruptly.

The newly minted Sarawak chief minister Adenan Satem has been chief minister for less than two years, but yet, he has done many things that have earned him respect and adoration.

Adenan did not wait long to tell the people that he meant business after assuming power from “strongman” Abdul Taib Mahmud. He declared a war on illegal logging, stopped new timber and plantation concessions, and spoke critically against racial and religious extremism. Adenan has quickly distinguished himself as an “unorthodox” politician in mainstream Malaysian politics.    

If the recent survey by Merdeka Centre is anything to go by, it is clear that Adenan is a popular leader among the people of various demographic backgrounds. With such popularity, would Adenan be able to repeat – or to do even better – electorally than his predecessor? It may be too early to say but most analysts agree that as long as Adenan is at the helm, Sarawak will be in the BN’s good hands.

Most people in Sarawak will tell that they like Adenan and will vote for him. They do not mind if Adenan is still supporting Prime Minister Najib Razak or the BN. As far as they are concerned, it is Adenan’s leadership that really matters. Adenan’s decision to attend the highly anticipated IACC conference has elevated his name further with some hoping him to take a more prominent national role to improve the government’s diminishing reputation. 

Adenan also appears to be popular in Peninsular Malaysia and Sabah. I met people in Peninsular who told me they liked Adenan for “doing the right thing”. In Sabah, people hold Adenan in high regard for speaking up for Sarawak’s rights in the federation. During one of his visits to Sabah, he remarked that he admired Sabah’s forestry conservation efforts, but was quick to say that Sarawak not would follow Sabah in allowing the influx of foreigners – especially illegal immigrants -- into the state.

While it is too early to assess Adenan’s electoral chances and whether or not Sarawak’s future will be brighter under the 71-year-old leader, Adenan’s rise to power can tell us why there is so much excitement about the new Sarawak chief minister. 

Adenan’s promising return came at the time when people were losing trust in the government and wanted good leadership from political leaders. They wanted the government to be more open, to tackle corruption head-on and to lead with a strong sense of accountability. After taking over as chief minister, Adenan came to portray himself as a leader who understood the people’s expectations.  

Of course, they are people who say that Adenan’s populist approach is not more than an attempt to shore up support for the upcoming state election. Whether or not this is the case, Adenan’s rise to prominence shows us that the people want good leaders from both sides of the political divides.

The ruling government must accept the fact that only with good leaders and leadership will they be able to regain the trust and confidence of the people. In the same way, the opposition must not be too excited about changing the government as without good leaders and leadership, their so-called agenda of reform will go nowhere.  

The ruling government and opposition must train leaders with the heart of building the nation based on the principles of good governance and accountability. Adenan may not be a perfect leader, but he deserves our praise for doing what is right for the people and the country.

Sabah and Sarawak not "colonised" by Malaya

APRIL 7 — Some leaders and NGOs claim that Sabah and Sarawak are colonised by “Malaya”. Malaya here refers loosely to the federal government (or people from Peninsular Malaysia). 

The general definition of “colonisation” is “the action or process of settling among and establishing control over the indigenous people of an area” or “the action of appropriating a place or domain for one’s own use.” 

Sabah and Sarawak are said to be colonised by Malaya by way of Malaya’s “political domination” and “control” in East Malaysia. Some also equate Sabah and Sarawak with the situation when they were under British colonisation. 

Is it true that Sabah and Sarawak are colonised by Malaya? 

It cannot be denied that in certain aspects, there is a tendency by the federal government to centralise power. This has been amply recorded in various academic literatures. 

But centralisation of power and colonisation are completely two different things. To say that Sabah and Sarawak were “colonised” by Malaya and that Malaya should be solely blamed for Sabah and Sarawak's underdevelopment is an understatement and misleading. 

At a personal level, I can say that Sabahans and Sarawakians are not colonised by Malaya as they are capable of standing on their own feet and of charting the future of their respective states.  

Let me draw an example from personal experience. I come from the native of Lundayeh in Sipitang, Sabah. My community is so small that no one – yes, even in Sabah! – know who the Lundayehs are and where they come from. 

Those days, most of the Lundayehs were subsistence farmers and had to struggle to make ends meet. Both of my parents did not have permanent jobs so I did not expect that I would be able to make it to university due to the lack of money. 

However, I was glad that I was taught the values of hard work, importance of education, and determination in pursuing one’s life endeavour. 

So, with little financial resources, I embarked on a lifetime journey to Kota Kinabalu to attend secondary school and to Peninsular Malaysia to attend university. Gladly, I received a full scholarship from Malaya (read: the federal government). 

Throughout my university days, I saw hundreds, if not more, of Sabahan and Sarawakian students coming in droves to Peninsular Malaysia on federal government scholarships. After having successfully completed my tertiary education and now serving in one of the public universities in Sarawak, I can proudly say that Sabahans and Sarawakians are as capable as their Malayan counterparts. How can they be colonised if many have returned to Sabah and Sarawak to serve in various state and federal agencies? 

No, Sabah and Sarawak are not colonised by Malaya. Here is more evidence. There are 13 full ministers from Sabah and Sarawak in the federal Cabinet. Some of them hold important portfolios such as foreign affairs, rural development, and transport. 

If my calculation is correct, there are seven more Sabahan and Sarawakian deputy federal ministers. To say that Sabah and Sarawak are colonised when more than 30 per cent of the Cabinet members are from Sabah and Sarawak is unfathomable.  

In the Dewan Rakyat, there are more than 50 Sabahan and Sarawakian lawmakers, or more than 25 per cent of the 222 members of the august house. The Borneo Post recently reported that Sabah and Sarawak issues have gained prominence in the recent Parliamentary sitting.

There are also more Sabahan and Sarawakian holding important posts in state federal agencies. Two of the public universities in Sabah and Sarawak are headed by Sabahan and Sarawakian. I could go on and on to prove that Sabah and Sarawak are not colonised by Malaya and are in a better position now to chart the future of Malaysia together.  

So, to continue to say that Sabah and Sarawak are colonised by Malaya is akin to disregarding the capability of Sabahans and Sarawakians to think and to act independently in developing their respective states. People who continue to claim that Sabah and Sarawak are a colony of Malaya are also sending a wrong message to the young generation.  

Sabah and Sarawak cannot be colonised by Malaya under the present circumstance in which they hold the key for the ruling BN’s survival. In fact, compared to other states in Peninsular Malaysia, Sabah and Sarawak are granted more rights and privileges, which are protected by the Federal Constitution. 

So, how can it be possible for Sabah and Sarawak to be a colony of Malaya when the Federal Constitution gives Sabah and Sarawak special power to govern according to their own accord? If Sabah and Sarawak continue to be underdeveloped, they cannot continue to blame Malaya, as they are given greater role and more opportunities to participate in national development than before.   

People who say that Sabah and Sarawak are colonised by Malaya should come up with a better argument to improve Sabah’s and Sarawak’s position in the federation. The way I see it, it is a matter of people in Sabah and Sarawak not enjoying the benefits of the various pragmatic policies introduced by the federal government due to lack of implementation and bad leadership at the federal and state levels. It is time to rectify this mistake so that the present and future generation of Malaysians in Sabah and Sarawak can fully reap the benefits of the Federation of Malaysia. 

* Dr Arnold Puyok is a senior lecturer at the Faculty of Social Sciences, UNIMAS & Senior Fellow of the Society Empowerment & Economic Development of Sabah (SEEDS)

- See more at: http://www.themalaymailonline.com/what-you-think/article/sabah-and-sarawak-are-not-colonised-by-malaya-arnold-puyok#sthash.0ymo8RXQ.dpuf

RCI Sabah: where do we go from here?

Excerpts of my talk at the forum on the RCI at Kg. Paka, Ranau. The forum was organised by Topinai Research Centre led by YB Foong Chin Chan of the Democratic Action Party (DAP). 

Introduction 

Enough has been said about why the RCI was formed and it is time for the authorities and Sabahans to work together to end the perennial illegal immigrants problem. Despite the negative perception that some people have on the RCI, it has paved the way for us to address the illegal immigrant problem more systematically, thanks to the willingness, hardwork and dedication of the commissioners.

Our focus in the next couple of years should be on the solutions contained in the RCI report. They may not be sufficient to solve the illegal immigrant problem in totality. That is why every individual Sabahan has a role to play to suggest ways on how this problem can be addressed more effectively. 

What good has the RCI brought to us?

It gives us a glimpse of the scale and depth of the illegal immigrant problem and the weaknesses in our immigration policy as a whole.

It reinforces our belief that the illegal immigrant problem is real and needs urgent solution.

It also gives as hope that there are solutions to the problem. We should not be too worried about the practicality of the solutions as this can be discussed later. We should give time to the Permanent and Working Committees proposed by the RCI to assess the solutions and to come up with an action plan. 

The Way Forward

First, we need to understand what the real problem is. Is the problem related to illegal immigration? Is our concern related to the growing number of “foreigners” in Sabah? The concern of the public is that there are too many illegal immigrants in Sabah. We are not sure how many but we know they can pose a serious threat if nothing is done. By illegal immigrants we mean those who have entered Sabah illegally — those without any proper documents. 

Next, we want to know why there are so many of them in Sabah? Is this due to lack of border security? Are they being aided by their family members? Is there a syndicate to bring them here? We have been told by the RCI that the main pull factor that has motivated illegal immigrants to come to Sabah is job security and also due to the porousness of our border and the lack of border control.

Moving on, there are allegations that illegal immigrants have obtained Malaysian ICs through the illegal channels. This is a very complex problem. What if the document is legal but the way it was acquired is not? Maybe it is easy for the authorities to detect and apprehend those with fake and illegal documents but this is another different problem altogether. The other problem is that some illegal immigrants are said to have been registered in the electoral rolls. If this is the case then efforts must be put in place to detect these problematic voters. 

So we have many problems that require specific solutions. 

In our effort to solve the problem, we must not politicise it. The two sides of the political divide must work together to come up with solutions. We must look at the issue objectively and professionally. There is a danger in trying to “racialise” the issue. Of late, I have seen people trying to pit immigrants against the locals using derogatory terms. Understandably, they are resorting to this way to raise people’s sentiment. We must understand that there are “good” and “bad” immigrants. The good ones are those who possess proper documents, those who abide by the country’s laws and have been staying in Sabah to earn a living. They contribute to our economy and social dynamics. The bad ones are those who take advantage of the country’s weak immigration system to indulge in unlawful activities. We should send a very strong message to the bad immigrants that we will not tolerate their attempts to flout the country’s law anymore.

Conclusion (What can we do?)

While waiting for the authorities to spring into action in tackling the illegal immigrant problem, we have an important role to play.

Whether we like it or not, we are partly to be blamed for causing the influx of illegal immigrants into Sabah.

First, we need to remain vigilant by reporting to the authorities the activities of illegal immigrants. This includes their hideouts and the people who protect them.

Second, we must stop hiring illegal immigrants to renovate our house or to clean our orchard. This seems to be widespread in the rural areas because some illegal immigrants are willing to accept anything in return for their services. 

Third, we must stop buying smuggled items brought by illegal immigrants such as cigarettes, VCDs, etc. I have seen locals buying contraband cigarettes from illegal immigrants openly.

If you are an employer, you can play a role too by not hiring illegal immigrants. It is tempting to hire them due to economic reasons, but it the long run, it can cause dire repercussions to the country.

Fifth, let’s start a statewide campaign with the slogan “no to illegals”. Sabahans need to express their strong feelings against the illegal immigrants. 

And in our attempt to rid the state of illegal immigrants, let’s show compassion and civility. Like us, illegal immigrants are human beings too. Some of them are victims of circumstances which they cannot control. 

Greater decentralisation, not a "review" of the Malaysia Agreement

The Federal Constitution is clear about the safeguards for Sabah. These safeguards are not enjoyed by other states in the federation (except Sarawak). Enough said about why these safeguards were included. What is important now is how they can be effectively implemented for the benefits of Sabahans. This is where a robust decentralisation policy for the country is needed. The main argument in support for decentralisation is that Sabah is culturally and geographically unique compared to other states especially in Peninsular Malaysia.

Decentralisation will allow Sabah leaders, administrators, policy makers and implementers to develop the state according to its needs. Take, for instance, the construction of schools in rural areas. Federal and state education officers should be empowered to make decisions faster for the benefit of rural school children. This should also be applied in public delivery system involving federal services.  

Sabah should also be allowed to determine how best its multiracial society be managed. This is important to preserve Sabah’s cultural uniqueness. The naming or re-naming of ethnic groups in Sabah should be done after consulting the state’s various cultural stakeholders. Economically, local players should be empowered so that they can design and implement business models suited for Sabah’s business environment.

If Sabah leaders are not happy that they are getting little powers to manage the state, they should form a committee to look into the division of powers between state and federal governments i.e. State List, Federal List and Concurrent List in the Federal Constitution. For starters, a high-level bipartisan committee should be formed to look into this carefully. The committee can then study and recommend strategies to improve the implementation of state and federal powers. The next step is to push for an amendment in the Federal Constitution. This is more practical than persuading the August House to review the Malaysia Agreement, IGC (Inter-Governmental Committee) Report and 20-point.

Academic debates on the Malaysia Agreement should be encouraged but Sabah needs more than intellectual exercises to develop its people. Sabahans need education, jobs, better standard of living, and more importantly, security. It is time for Sabahans to embrace progressive ideas to develop Sabah. There are better ways to safeguard Sabah’s unique position in the federation. The Malaysia Agreement is still -- and forever will be -- relevant in spirit. This spirit must be carried on by pragmatic and progressive thinking Sabahans.