Najib's political headache

These are tiring times for Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak. Najib has so far managed to stay in power despite the flurry of attacks on his leadership. Political debacles have almost cost Najib his prime ministership and the popularity of the ruling coalition Barisan Nasional (BN). Facing the prospect of losing the people’s mandate in the 2018 general election, Najib is racing against time to regain public confidence.

Earlier in 2015, an expose revealed a controversial 2.6 billion ringgit (US$700 million) ‘donation’ into Najib’s personal account. This was initially attributed to Najib siphoning funds from the 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB), Malaysia’s state-owned development company. Najib appeared on television to answer questions from critics and gave point-by-point rebuttals to the 1MDB controversy.

But these have failed to assuage public dissatisfaction. Some critics still believe that Najib siphoned public funds from the 1MDB — even though that allegation has not been proven in court or by independent audit firms. Najib is now left with the CEO of the 1MDB Arul Kanda to address the misconception toward the 1MDB and to implement a rationalisation plan in order to reduce its debt.
Najib’s problems do not end there. The 2.6 billion ringgit in his personal account has dented his reputation further, even though the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission has evidence that the money was from a donor, not the 1MDB. Critics are still unhappy as questions such as what the money was for, and whether there were any strings attached, have not been answered.

The person who has launched a major ‘crusade’ to end Najib’s political career is none other than Najib’s predecessor-turned-nemesis Mahathir Mohamad. Mahathir — the ‘PM slayer’, as one author has put it — is the single most potent force behind the campaign to oust Najib. The 90-year-old former premier’s allegations against Najib are not without defect, but many think that Mahathir is telling the truth.

After 22 years of entrenched rule in Malaysia, Mahathir is seen by some as the ‘knight in shining armour’ that could save Malaysia from Najib. Even though the prospect of Mahathir making a comeback is next to impossible, he still has influence in the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), Mahathir and Najib’s political party. Anti-Najib party members are supporting Mahathir either openly or secretly. While most UMNO divisional leaders are firmly behind Najib, this may change depending on the momentum of the anti-Najib movement in UMNO.

Although he is criticised and mocked on the home front, Najib has scored some brownie points on the international stage. In the aftermath of the MH17 crash in July 2014, Najib negotiated deftly with pro-Russian rebel leaders to allow rescuers to extract bodies and to secure crucial flight information from the crash site in eastern Ukraine.

Najib has to also play a tough balancing act dealing with China and the United States — the two major superpowers arguing over territorial disputes in the South China Sea. Najib has established good ties with both countries by allowing both American and Chinese naval ships to use Malaysian ports for transport or military training purposes.

So, can Najib and the BN survive the general election in 2018? The answer to this question depends on how Najib and the ruling party react to calls for reform. Before attempting to address Malaysia’s domestic impasse, it is important for Najib to exert a stronger and firmer hold on the government, especially the civil service. The civil servants are the key to the success of Najib’s ‘transformation agenda’. But some civil servants are bent on Najib’s downfall. Many sensitive government documents have been leaked on social media and opposition leaders have used them to attack the government.

The BN should learn from Singapore’s People’s Action Party (PAP), which won the 2015 Singapore general election. Its success taught a valuable lesson to incumbent governments around the world about securing electoral victory in the face of growing public disenchantment. The key to winning is to boldly address public concerns by making tough policy decisions. In the 2011 election, the PAP won with a popular vote of only 60 per cent — the lowest it had ever recorded in its 60 years of history. It reacted proactively to public criticism, and changed many of its policy positions on issues such as affordable housing, immigration and economic stagnation. In September, the PAP won the election with 69.9 per cent of the popular vote.

The PAP’s major electoral victory in Singapore shows that a dominant party system is still alive in Southeast Asia. In Malaysia, the BN lost its two-thirds majority in 2008 and 2013. There is a real possibility that its popular support will dip further in the coming election. It is important for Najib and the BN to display some real leadership in addressing people-oriented issues.

Najib should push for good governance and take matters of public interest to heart. The goods and services tax has forced more people to dig deeper into their pockets despite rising prices of essential goods and housing. The most hit economically are young middle-income professionals and graduates. While the 2.6 billion ringgit donation, the 1MDB and Mahathir’s challenge are major headaches for Najib, they will not matter much in determining his and the BN’s future in Malaysian politics.

First published on East Asia Forum (http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2015/11/26/najibs-political-headache-2/)

The rise of Adenan and leadership

It is rare to see a leader who has achieved so much in such a short time. John F Kennedy, Martin Luther King, Abraham Lincoln and the likes are among leaders who have done remarkable things before their reign of power ended abruptly.

The newly minted Sarawak chief minister Adenan Satem has been chief minister for less than two years, but yet, he has done many things that have earned him respect and adoration.

Adenan did not wait long to tell the people that he meant business after assuming power from “strongman” Abdul Taib Mahmud. He declared a war on illegal logging, stopped new timber and plantation concessions, and spoke critically against racial and religious extremism. Adenan has quickly distinguished himself as an “unorthodox” politician in mainstream Malaysian politics.    

If the recent survey by Merdeka Centre is anything to go by, it is clear that Adenan is a popular leader among the people of various demographic backgrounds. With such popularity, would Adenan be able to repeat – or to do even better – electorally than his predecessor? It may be too early to say but most analysts agree that as long as Adenan is at the helm, Sarawak will be in the BN’s good hands.

Most people in Sarawak will tell that they like Adenan and will vote for him. They do not mind if Adenan is still supporting Prime Minister Najib Razak or the BN. As far as they are concerned, it is Adenan’s leadership that really matters. Adenan’s decision to attend the highly anticipated IACC conference has elevated his name further with some hoping him to take a more prominent national role to improve the government’s diminishing reputation. 

Adenan also appears to be popular in Peninsular Malaysia and Sabah. I met people in Peninsular who told me they liked Adenan for “doing the right thing”. In Sabah, people hold Adenan in high regard for speaking up for Sarawak’s rights in the federation. During one of his visits to Sabah, he remarked that he admired Sabah’s forestry conservation efforts, but was quick to say that Sarawak not would follow Sabah in allowing the influx of foreigners – especially illegal immigrants -- into the state.

While it is too early to assess Adenan’s electoral chances and whether or not Sarawak’s future will be brighter under the 71-year-old leader, Adenan’s rise to power can tell us why there is so much excitement about the new Sarawak chief minister. 

Adenan’s promising return came at the time when people were losing trust in the government and wanted good leadership from political leaders. They wanted the government to be more open, to tackle corruption head-on and to lead with a strong sense of accountability. After taking over as chief minister, Adenan came to portray himself as a leader who understood the people’s expectations.  

Of course, they are people who say that Adenan’s populist approach is not more than an attempt to shore up support for the upcoming state election. Whether or not this is the case, Adenan’s rise to prominence shows us that the people want good leaders from both sides of the political divides.

The ruling government must accept the fact that only with good leaders and leadership will they be able to regain the trust and confidence of the people. In the same way, the opposition must not be too excited about changing the government as without good leaders and leadership, their so-called agenda of reform will go nowhere.  

The ruling government and opposition must train leaders with the heart of building the nation based on the principles of good governance and accountability. Adenan may not be a perfect leader, but he deserves our praise for doing what is right for the people and the country.

Sabah and Sarawak not "colonised" by Malaya

APRIL 7 — Some leaders and NGOs claim that Sabah and Sarawak are colonised by “Malaya”. Malaya here refers loosely to the federal government (or people from Peninsular Malaysia). 

The general definition of “colonisation” is “the action or process of settling among and establishing control over the indigenous people of an area” or “the action of appropriating a place or domain for one’s own use.” 

Sabah and Sarawak are said to be colonised by Malaya by way of Malaya’s “political domination” and “control” in East Malaysia. Some also equate Sabah and Sarawak with the situation when they were under British colonisation. 

Is it true that Sabah and Sarawak are colonised by Malaya? 

It cannot be denied that in certain aspects, there is a tendency by the federal government to centralise power. This has been amply recorded in various academic literatures. 

But centralisation of power and colonisation are completely two different things. To say that Sabah and Sarawak were “colonised” by Malaya and that Malaya should be solely blamed for Sabah and Sarawak's underdevelopment is an understatement and misleading. 

At a personal level, I can say that Sabahans and Sarawakians are not colonised by Malaya as they are capable of standing on their own feet and of charting the future of their respective states.  

Let me draw an example from personal experience. I come from the native of Lundayeh in Sipitang, Sabah. My community is so small that no one – yes, even in Sabah! – know who the Lundayehs are and where they come from. 

Those days, most of the Lundayehs were subsistence farmers and had to struggle to make ends meet. Both of my parents did not have permanent jobs so I did not expect that I would be able to make it to university due to the lack of money. 

However, I was glad that I was taught the values of hard work, importance of education, and determination in pursuing one’s life endeavour. 

So, with little financial resources, I embarked on a lifetime journey to Kota Kinabalu to attend secondary school and to Peninsular Malaysia to attend university. Gladly, I received a full scholarship from Malaya (read: the federal government). 

Throughout my university days, I saw hundreds, if not more, of Sabahan and Sarawakian students coming in droves to Peninsular Malaysia on federal government scholarships. After having successfully completed my tertiary education and now serving in one of the public universities in Sarawak, I can proudly say that Sabahans and Sarawakians are as capable as their Malayan counterparts. How can they be colonised if many have returned to Sabah and Sarawak to serve in various state and federal agencies? 

No, Sabah and Sarawak are not colonised by Malaya. Here is more evidence. There are 13 full ministers from Sabah and Sarawak in the federal Cabinet. Some of them hold important portfolios such as foreign affairs, rural development, and transport. 

If my calculation is correct, there are seven more Sabahan and Sarawakian deputy federal ministers. To say that Sabah and Sarawak are colonised when more than 30 per cent of the Cabinet members are from Sabah and Sarawak is unfathomable.  

In the Dewan Rakyat, there are more than 50 Sabahan and Sarawakian lawmakers, or more than 25 per cent of the 222 members of the august house. The Borneo Post recently reported that Sabah and Sarawak issues have gained prominence in the recent Parliamentary sitting.

There are also more Sabahan and Sarawakian holding important posts in state federal agencies. Two of the public universities in Sabah and Sarawak are headed by Sabahan and Sarawakian. I could go on and on to prove that Sabah and Sarawak are not colonised by Malaya and are in a better position now to chart the future of Malaysia together.  

So, to continue to say that Sabah and Sarawak are colonised by Malaya is akin to disregarding the capability of Sabahans and Sarawakians to think and to act independently in developing their respective states. People who continue to claim that Sabah and Sarawak are a colony of Malaya are also sending a wrong message to the young generation.  

Sabah and Sarawak cannot be colonised by Malaya under the present circumstance in which they hold the key for the ruling BN’s survival. In fact, compared to other states in Peninsular Malaysia, Sabah and Sarawak are granted more rights and privileges, which are protected by the Federal Constitution. 

So, how can it be possible for Sabah and Sarawak to be a colony of Malaya when the Federal Constitution gives Sabah and Sarawak special power to govern according to their own accord? If Sabah and Sarawak continue to be underdeveloped, they cannot continue to blame Malaya, as they are given greater role and more opportunities to participate in national development than before.   

People who say that Sabah and Sarawak are colonised by Malaya should come up with a better argument to improve Sabah’s and Sarawak’s position in the federation. The way I see it, it is a matter of people in Sabah and Sarawak not enjoying the benefits of the various pragmatic policies introduced by the federal government due to lack of implementation and bad leadership at the federal and state levels. It is time to rectify this mistake so that the present and future generation of Malaysians in Sabah and Sarawak can fully reap the benefits of the Federation of Malaysia. 

* Dr Arnold Puyok is a senior lecturer at the Faculty of Social Sciences, UNIMAS & Senior Fellow of the Society Empowerment & Economic Development of Sabah (SEEDS)

- See more at: http://www.themalaymailonline.com/what-you-think/article/sabah-and-sarawak-are-not-colonised-by-malaya-arnold-puyok#sthash.0ymo8RXQ.dpuf

RCI Sabah: where do we go from here?

Excerpts of my talk at the forum on the RCI at Kg. Paka, Ranau. The forum was organised by Topinai Research Centre led by YB Foong Chin Chan of the Democratic Action Party (DAP). 

Introduction 

Enough has been said about why the RCI was formed and it is time for the authorities and Sabahans to work together to end the perennial illegal immigrants problem. Despite the negative perception that some people have on the RCI, it has paved the way for us to address the illegal immigrant problem more systematically, thanks to the willingness, hardwork and dedication of the commissioners.

Our focus in the next couple of years should be on the solutions contained in the RCI report. They may not be sufficient to solve the illegal immigrant problem in totality. That is why every individual Sabahan has a role to play to suggest ways on how this problem can be addressed more effectively. 

What good has the RCI brought to us?

It gives us a glimpse of the scale and depth of the illegal immigrant problem and the weaknesses in our immigration policy as a whole.

It reinforces our belief that the illegal immigrant problem is real and needs urgent solution.

It also gives as hope that there are solutions to the problem. We should not be too worried about the practicality of the solutions as this can be discussed later. We should give time to the Permanent and Working Committees proposed by the RCI to assess the solutions and to come up with an action plan. 

The Way Forward

First, we need to understand what the real problem is. Is the problem related to illegal immigration? Is our concern related to the growing number of “foreigners” in Sabah? The concern of the public is that there are too many illegal immigrants in Sabah. We are not sure how many but we know they can pose a serious threat if nothing is done. By illegal immigrants we mean those who have entered Sabah illegally — those without any proper documents. 

Next, we want to know why there are so many of them in Sabah? Is this due to lack of border security? Are they being aided by their family members? Is there a syndicate to bring them here? We have been told by the RCI that the main pull factor that has motivated illegal immigrants to come to Sabah is job security and also due to the porousness of our border and the lack of border control.

Moving on, there are allegations that illegal immigrants have obtained Malaysian ICs through the illegal channels. This is a very complex problem. What if the document is legal but the way it was acquired is not? Maybe it is easy for the authorities to detect and apprehend those with fake and illegal documents but this is another different problem altogether. The other problem is that some illegal immigrants are said to have been registered in the electoral rolls. If this is the case then efforts must be put in place to detect these problematic voters. 

So we have many problems that require specific solutions. 

In our effort to solve the problem, we must not politicise it. The two sides of the political divide must work together to come up with solutions. We must look at the issue objectively and professionally. There is a danger in trying to “racialise” the issue. Of late, I have seen people trying to pit immigrants against the locals using derogatory terms. Understandably, they are resorting to this way to raise people’s sentiment. We must understand that there are “good” and “bad” immigrants. The good ones are those who possess proper documents, those who abide by the country’s laws and have been staying in Sabah to earn a living. They contribute to our economy and social dynamics. The bad ones are those who take advantage of the country’s weak immigration system to indulge in unlawful activities. We should send a very strong message to the bad immigrants that we will not tolerate their attempts to flout the country’s law anymore.

Conclusion (What can we do?)

While waiting for the authorities to spring into action in tackling the illegal immigrant problem, we have an important role to play.

Whether we like it or not, we are partly to be blamed for causing the influx of illegal immigrants into Sabah.

First, we need to remain vigilant by reporting to the authorities the activities of illegal immigrants. This includes their hideouts and the people who protect them.

Second, we must stop hiring illegal immigrants to renovate our house or to clean our orchard. This seems to be widespread in the rural areas because some illegal immigrants are willing to accept anything in return for their services. 

Third, we must stop buying smuggled items brought by illegal immigrants such as cigarettes, VCDs, etc. I have seen locals buying contraband cigarettes from illegal immigrants openly.

If you are an employer, you can play a role too by not hiring illegal immigrants. It is tempting to hire them due to economic reasons, but it the long run, it can cause dire repercussions to the country.

Fifth, let’s start a statewide campaign with the slogan “no to illegals”. Sabahans need to express their strong feelings against the illegal immigrants. 

And in our attempt to rid the state of illegal immigrants, let’s show compassion and civility. Like us, illegal immigrants are human beings too. Some of them are victims of circumstances which they cannot control. 

Greater decentralisation, not a "review" of the Malaysia Agreement

The Federal Constitution is clear about the safeguards for Sabah. These safeguards are not enjoyed by other states in the federation (except Sarawak). Enough said about why these safeguards were included. What is important now is how they can be effectively implemented for the benefits of Sabahans. This is where a robust decentralisation policy for the country is needed. The main argument in support for decentralisation is that Sabah is culturally and geographically unique compared to other states especially in Peninsular Malaysia.

Decentralisation will allow Sabah leaders, administrators, policy makers and implementers to develop the state according to its needs. Take, for instance, the construction of schools in rural areas. Federal and state education officers should be empowered to make decisions faster for the benefit of rural school children. This should also be applied in public delivery system involving federal services.  

Sabah should also be allowed to determine how best its multiracial society be managed. This is important to preserve Sabah’s cultural uniqueness. The naming or re-naming of ethnic groups in Sabah should be done after consulting the state’s various cultural stakeholders. Economically, local players should be empowered so that they can design and implement business models suited for Sabah’s business environment.

If Sabah leaders are not happy that they are getting little powers to manage the state, they should form a committee to look into the division of powers between state and federal governments i.e. State List, Federal List and Concurrent List in the Federal Constitution. For starters, a high-level bipartisan committee should be formed to look into this carefully. The committee can then study and recommend strategies to improve the implementation of state and federal powers. The next step is to push for an amendment in the Federal Constitution. This is more practical than persuading the August House to review the Malaysia Agreement, IGC (Inter-Governmental Committee) Report and 20-point.

Academic debates on the Malaysia Agreement should be encouraged but Sabah needs more than intellectual exercises to develop its people. Sabahans need education, jobs, better standard of living, and more importantly, security. It is time for Sabahans to embrace progressive ideas to develop Sabah. There are better ways to safeguard Sabah’s unique position in the federation. The Malaysia Agreement is still -- and forever will be -- relevant in spirit. This spirit must be carried on by pragmatic and progressive thinking Sabahans.       

Saving the Federation of Malaysia

“[Sabah’s] Dilemma in the Federation of Malaysia”

Based on my talk at the forum on “Dilema dalam Persekutuan Malaysia” organised by PiPPA Sabah at Dewan Hakka, Kota Kinabalu

Introduction

Understanding the concept of federation

It is “a formal division of legislative, executive, judicial and financial powers between the Central Government and the State Governments though the weightage is heavily in favour of the Central Government”. This formal division of power is clearly stated in the Federal Constitution

However, in the context of Malaysia, power rests heavily in the Federal Government that has been ruled by BN since independence particularly under former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad whose hallmark of leadership is a strong government achieved through a two-thirds majority in parliament 

It is important to distinguish between unitary and confederation. In a unitary system, power lies in the hands of the Central Government. The Central Government has greater say in directing the affairs of people in local units — i.e. Brunei (unitary monarchy), Japan, Thailand, etc. In a confederation, power is held by the constituent units. The Central Government only plays a “coordinating role” — i.e. European Union 

From the Federation of Malaya to the Federation of Malaysia

Federation of Malaya 1957

The Federation of Malaysia 1963 has its origin in the Federation of Malaya 1957. The latter consisted of eleven Malay states in the Peninsular Malaysia. The Federation of Malaya was instituted by the British to ensure a strong administrative system through centralisation of power. The main features of the Federation of Malaya were: strong Central Government,  power to states on matters related to religion (Islam), and Malay customs. The reason for the British to agree to a federal arrangement was to preserve state uniqueness while at the same time to maintain control over the country’s financial and political affairs

Federation of Malaysia 1963

It is the expanded version of the Federation of Malaya to include new states —Singapore (but later withdrew in 1965), Sabah and Sarawak. The structure of the new federation was discussed as early as before the inception of Malaysia. Britain’s initial idea was to form a “super-federation” consisting of Gov. of Malaya, Gov. of Singapore, Gov. of the three Borneo territories — Sabah, Sarawak and Brunei — with complete autonomy in internal affairs by each government. Britain agreed with the federal structure only if it is supported by the people and that they have attained self-rule first

It is assumed that our founding fathers had deliberated on the federal structure based on the Malaysian Agreement 1963 (Article 1). In fact, the Federal Constitution is quite clear about Malaysia’s federal system and the status of the states within it

However, there seems to be a gap in our understanding with regards to the origin of the Federation of Malaysia vis-a-vis the agreement among our country’s founding fathers on the proper federal system to be adopted: did they unanimously agree on the proposed federal structure especially on Sabah’s and Sarawak’s status under the federation? Did our leaders consider the long-term implications of a federal system with a strong Central Government? Did they rigorously discuss the guiding-principle of the Federation of Malaysia as far as nation-building is concerned?

Despite the many weaknesses of the federal system, it is considered as applicable to Malaysia given its vast area and heterogenous society

A federal structure is also timely to accommodate Sabah and Sarawak. What remains an issue until today is the status of Sabah and Sarawak in the federation: are they the 12th and 13th states under the federation? Are Sabah and Sarawak equal partners with Peninsular Malaysia combined? Has their status been deliberately demoted by the Federal Government?

Despite the unending polemics over Sabah’s and Sarawak’s status, they have considerable power and autonomy in the federation. Their special position in the federation is part of the condition set by local leaders before Sabah’s and Sarawak’s incorporation into Malaysia. The condition was put forward because Sabah and Sarawak were culturally unique and were less politically and economically advanced than Malaya. It is also to weigh against possible Malayan domination

Sabah’s and Sarawak’s special position in the federation:

1. Financial
• Special sources of revenue under Part IV of the 10th Schedule
• Special grants under Article 112D (6)
• Additional sources of revenue under Part V of the 10th Schedule
2. Legislative
• Special legislative powers on items in the Supplementary State List and the Supplementary Concurrent List of the 9th Schedule
• Legislative powers on land, agriculture, forestry and local government (Articles 95D and 95E)
3. Immigration 
• Restrictions on West Malaysian lawyers practising in Sabah and Sarawak (Article 161B)
• Exclusive control over immigration (Article 161E [4] and Part VII of the Immigration Act 
4. Judicial
• Special consultative processes relating to appointment, removal and suspension of judges in the High Court of Sabah and Sarawak (Article 161E [2][b])

Issues in the Federation of Malaysia

Ideological clash (“competing nationalisms”)

The ideological approach in the academic texts of federalism looks at the “ideological and philosophical foundation of federalism”. Ideologies clash due to differences in language, culture and religion — i.e. Canada — conflict between the minorities Inuit, Quebecois and the majority English-speaking (anglophones) population

Malaysia’s federal foundation is essentially driven by Malay-Muslim nationalism — a “copycat” of the previous federal structure under the Federation of Malaya — even though the later federal structure — the Federation of Malaysia — was significantly altered to accommodate non-Islamic and non-Malay territories of Sabah and Sarawak. From 1957-1963, efforts to “build” the country through language and education was done with a strong Malay-Muslim flavour. Politically, the Federal Government would find a willing ally in Sabah and Sarawak to promote the Malay-Muslim federal framework of nation-building. This was the main reason for Mustapha Harun’s (of USNO) elevation to power and the ouster of Donald Stephens. The latter leader was regarded by the Federal Government as a strong regional leader who supported Sabah’s secular and multiracial outlook. With a strong federal support, Mustapha promoted a policy of “one language (Malay), one religion (Islam) and one culture (Malay)” as a basis for creating national solidarity in Sabah. This was opposed by many non-Muslim Sabahans. Conflict with the Federal Government escalated when PBS rose to power

Issue concerning national identity, a vision for national unity and integrity continue to plague Malaysian society. A British scholar writes: “Indeed, the Malaysia that was inaugurated on 16 September 1963 failed to wholly satisfy, nor did it reflect a homogenous national identity. Rather it was the product of grudging compromise and underpinned by only fragile guarantees: its formation was peppered with resistance and that it came into being at all was regarded by many at that time as a close-run thing”

Imbalance in centre-periphery relations

This imbalance is marked by centralisation of power by the Federal Government. Most national policies are dictated by the Federal Government. There is little room for state players to contribute

In politics, federal’s dominating role is obvious. Under Mahathir, the Federal Government would use its constitutional power and political power (two-thirds majority in parliament) to force the State Government to prioritise federal than state needs

Federal power in Sabah was further consolidated with UMNO’s entry in 1994

The Federal Government would “punish” stubborn state leaders who refuse to subscribe to its agenda by declaring them “persona non grata” in the country’s decision-making process and also by reducing the compulsory federal allocation to the state

In education, school syllabi do not reflect Malaysia’s multicultural outlook. Sabah’s and Sarawak’s unique historical and cultural background were not given due consideration

On the economic front, government’s revenue and total expenditure were dominated by the Federal Government —  96% and 80% respectively in 1990. And even though forestry is a state matter, timber exports and industry are under the federal control. In 1992, the Federal Government banned log exports from Sabah, causing the state to lose revenue

Lack of meaningful engagement between federal and state administrative officers

Owning a satellite dish by private individuals in Sabah is one of the many issues showing lack of contact between federal and state administrative officers/policy-makers. Federal said no to owning a private satellite dish. The state counter-argued saying that the Federal Government was protecting ASTRO and was victimising  Sabahans especially those in the rural areas who did not have the means to access to information. Licensing requirements especially from SIRIM and MCMC caused unhappiness and led to perception of federal officers’ lack of sensitivity to local needs

There is also this issue of Sabah wanting to proclaim many of its natural sites as World Heritage Site. But the plan was thwarted by the Federal Government that refused to support it until those sites are federalised

The state does not have autonomy in managing local educational matters too. The state has charged that it cannot manage projects below RM500k. Many schools especially in the rural areas are in dire need of repair and maintenance. Repairs and maintenance works are slow as state officers need to wait for approval from their federal counterparts. Work progress is also affected by delay in payment to local contractors by Putrajaya 

Had there been meaningful and constant contacts between federal and state administrative officers, most of the administrative problems such as those cited above could be solved. Due to lack of constructive engagement between federal and state civil service, unscrupulous politicians took advantage to pit the Federal Government against the state. 

Ways to harmonise federal-state relations

A clear vision of national unity and integration

The Vision 2020 can be used as a point of reference. The first point of the Vision 2020 is “to establish a united Malaysian nation with a sense of common and shared destiny — a nation at peace with itself, territorially and ethnically integrated, living in harmony and full and fair partnership, made up of one Bangsa Malaysia with political loyalty and dedication to the nation”. But the question is: how are we going to become a united Malaysian nation if we are still arguing over the year of our country’s founding? How are we to achieve Bangsa Malaysia if we continue to talk about our rights — race, religious, regional — instead of sharing them with fellow Malaysians? 

Our leaders must be extremely clear about what kind of Malaysia they wish to see. The concept of 1Malaysia looks very ideal on paper but it has to be made workable in practise: is it a concept for the purpose of nation-building? Is it a concept for re-branding of government commercial products? Is it a concept to promote the country’s tourism industry? There is one huge billboard with a tagline “menghayati 1Malaysia”. Strangely, the tagline is followed by a picture of a group of depressed-looking proboscis monkeys at the background. It looks like we can use the concept of 1Malaysia to describe everything and anything! 

Equilibrium in centre-periphery relations 

To ensure equilibrium, there has to be effective implementation of the Federal Constitution vis-a-vis the safeguards for Sabah and Sarawak. It is about time the Federal Government to decentralise power as a way to lessen its dominance and to allow the state to develop independently according to its needs. There are two types of decentralisation: devolution of power and deconcentration of administration. Devolution of power is also known as “home rule” in which the state is given autonomy in making wide range of decisions — i.e. Denmark giving autonomy to Greenland as Greenland’s minority population — the Inuits — are culturally and socially different from the Danes. Denmark only retains power in foreign affairs and defense. Deconcentration of administration happens when state federal officers make decisions independently. Apart from checking and balancing the power of the Federal Government, deconcentration, if applied effectively and judiciously, can also ensure effectiveness in public-delivery system. The state should be allowed to deal independently with its socio-cultural policy. Sabah and Sarawak should determine how they wish to preserve their people’s diverse culture, just like India’s “territorial linguism" and Ethiopia’s “cultural and linguistic autonomy”. Deconcentration of administration in the socio-cultural realm is important to preserve the ethnic identities of the various indigenous communities in Sabah and Sarawak

Our leaders could also enact a Territorial Integration Act to renew the commitment of federal and state leaders to abide by the Federal Constitution. It is a kind of "Oath-Fellowship" that can be found in Switzerland. It is a “covenant” to conserve differences and diversity

The government should also establish a constitutional court to arbiter the conflict between the Federal and State Governments — i.e. a special court in Germany — the Federal Constitutional Court — to check against the centralising tendency of the Federal Government

Before decentralisation of power can be fully implemented, a National Council of Decentralisation or National Decentralisation Commission should be established to review aspects that are over-centralised and need to be decentralised, areas that are under-centralised and need to be centralised, and to review how the concept of power sharing between the Federal and State Governments can be harmonised in light of Malaysia’s multicultural make-up

Constructive engagement between federal and state administrative officers

The role of the State Federal Office needs to be strengthened so that federal priorities do not clash with that of state’s

The government can also organise a yearly conference between federal and state administrative officers to discuss issues in implementation of federal and state programmes. A frequent conference is important to increase “contacts” between the federal and state civil service. The government could also revive the “State and Federal Relationships Committee” meetings between state secretaries and senior federal government officers

Conclusion

A good federal-state relations is vital for Malaysia’s survival. Talks of secession should not be swept under the carpet. Secession threats are culminated in dissatisfactions of some sections of society. People who promote secession from Malaysia should be engaged in a civil and rational manner. At the same time, the government must double the efforts to increase the sense of belonging of people from various races and religions towards the country. Malaysia is worth preserving but it also needs changing

Celebrating Diversity

Based on my inaugural speech at the Kuching Toasmaster Club Meeting

Let me be specific about the topic of diversity. This is important as the topic is wide for the uninitiated. I want to talk about diversity as in cultural diversity; culture as in values or norms that guide a person’s way of life or how he/she looks at the world around him/her. 

I consider this topic interesting as I myself was born and brought up in a culturally diverse environment. My late father is a Filipino from the Ilo-Ilo province in the Philippines while my mother is a Lundayeh (or Lunbawang) from Sabah. My father did not tell me much about his cultural background until I discovered it myself in what I call an epic journey to Ilo-Ilo in July this year. My father is an Illonggo, one of the many ethnic groups in the Philippines. The Illonggos are regarded as “malambing” (gentle/soft-spoken). Generally, they also do not take life very seriously. This probably explains my father’s laid back and free-wheeling lifestyle! 

When I married to a Kenyah-Kelabit in 2005, I came to deeply appreciate cultural diversity even more. I remember my marriage was one that was full of cultural display. We had my uncle explaining to my wife’s family the significance of the traditional gifts we brought for the bride, and the bride’s family representative telling us about the Kenyah/Kelabit cultural uniqueness.  

At home, we celebrate cultural diversity in its various forms occasionally. We can taste different food menu, ranging from the Filipino’s highly popular “lechon” (roasted pig cooked over charcoal), the Lundayeh’s “telu” (pickled meat), to the Kelabit’s “duree” (minced vegetables). We also use different languages to communicate. When my wife asked me once whether I wanted to eat “labo”, I vehemently said no thinking that labo in the Lundayeh language means “rat” but in Kelabit it means “meat” — normally fish or pork meat!

But the most important point that I want to stress today is our country’s cultural diversity. There are more than 80 different ethnic groups in Malaysia — or probably more — if we take into account not only the main ethnic groups but the sub-ethnic groups as well. Each of these ethnic groups has its own language and tradition. One thing that makes Malaysia unique is that each of the main ethnic group can practise its own tradition without hindrance. What is more important is that the rights to practise our own culture are clearly spelt out in the constitution. Despite our cultural differences, we have been able to live in peace and harmony for more than 50 years. So our country’s strength, I must emphasise, is its cultural diversity. To ensure the survival of our country as a nation, it’s not about accepting other people’s cultural differences anymore; it’s about celebrating those differences with them!  

I would like to end by stating a quote from Mahatma Gandhi: “no culture can live if it attempts to be exclusive”. Let’s share with the world the uniqueness of our cultural background. By doing so, we may not only help in promoting it but also in prolonging its lifespan. Let’s also send a strong message to the world that “there is beauty and there is strength” in cultural diversity.