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Thursday, 27 December 2018

Shafie’s year-end rated: The good, the bad... and the ‘we’ll see’

Julia Chan
KOTA KINABALU, Dec 26 ― To say Sabah Chief Minister Datuk Seri Shafie Apdal did not have an easy ride to the top is an understatement.
The Semporna native galvanised a fractious Opposition, broke down a Barisan Nasional stronghold despite being thrown into lock-up, and toppled his powerful political nemesis in incongruous fashion, so no one can say he did not have to battle to get to the top. 
However, once in the chief minister’s post he has had to tackle some thorny issues dealing with security, conservation, socio economic development and race, all while living up to high expectations.
Here are what lawmakers from both sides of the political divide, as well as political observers and man on the street, think about his performance:
GOOD

1. Logging ban
Out to clean up allegations of timber monopolies and illegal logging, Shafie’s controversial and drastic decision to ban the export of logs and subsequent review all timber concessionaires was lauded by most people.
“Stopping illegal logging is probably the best thing he’s done so far. It’s two-prong, to stop unrelentless logging and also keep the money within the state and provide jobs. If he can industrialise the timber downstream industry, that would change the state economy,” said Kota Kinabalu MP Chan Foong Hin.
2. Abolishing communal titles
The former administration mooted communal titles for the purpose of preventing individuals from selling their land to “outsiders”, an unpopular decision due to the lack of individual rights it granted its holder, and when Shafie decided to abolish it, it was generally well received.
Despite the pros of the communal title, many preferred the uncomplicated nature of a conventional land title.
3. People skills
Shafie has called himself a chief minister for all Sabahans, across all the races, and has made a point of visiting communities in all regions in the State, and even won the hearts of the Christian community by singing a Christmas carol during a Christmas bazaar at the town ground.
“Everywhere Shafie goes, he is well received ― in the city, in the interior he is going down to the ground and appealing to most Sabahans. He definitely is riding high on popularity, people welcome him everywhere, and his soft spokenness and good manners also earn him a lot of supporters both in urban and rural areas,” said Chan.
BAD
1. Coal mining
When Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad first suggested accessing Sabah’s coal reserves, Sabahans were up in arms, offended that Sabah’s precious natural resources be exploited by “federal powers”. Shafie later said that they would do a feasibility study first, but at the same time alluded that the government might need to take a controversial route for the greater good of the people.
“It goes against their so-called pledge to protect the environment. The Maliau Basin has been protected by the previous governments for the last 30 years. It was tempting but its environment implications ― and the global backlash ― stopped them, and for good reason,” said Kiulu assemblyman Datuk Joniston Bangkuai.
“In an era where we are moving into sustainable methods of harnessing power, its archaic to move back to coal. There is argument for clean coal technology but the mining of coal is almost certain to affect the sensitive ecology. It might bring benefits but it might be ‘political suicide’ in my view.”
 2. Datukship titles
The Sabah governor’s birthday this year came four months after the new administration and saw the entire Sabah Cabinet among 65 people plus some MPs getting the title of Datuk, something that did not sit well with many Sabahans, given how inexperienced some of the ministers were.
“He was rewarding his people too fast ― it’s nice that he’s trying to reward their contribution, but it is exactly the Umno culture people were rejecting. I think this was a lost opportunity for the new government to show they were ‘different’ and were not about reward for their people.
“There’s nothing technically wrong with it, but it was thoroughly unnecessary and gives the wrong impression,” said one prominent lawyer in Sabah.
3. The extension of the governor’s term
The most recent controversy to hit Shafie was the lifting of the two-term limit for the governor as head of state.
Assemblymen questioned the timing ― during a special sitting two weeks ahead of the current Head of State Tun Juhar Mahiruddin’s term expiry, and his involvement in the appointing of two chief ministers after the May 9 polls.
Despite protests from several state assemblymen, the amendment was passed in the state assembly last week with 45 in favour of the change, 15 objecting, and five absent from voting.
 “This move leaves a bad impression for the public and does not bode well for Warisan who has promised government reforms,” said political analyst Arnold Puyok.
“Of course they argued that this was in line with MA63 but rather than focusing on the TYT term, there are more pertinent issues to focus on, such as uplifting the English language as official language in Sabah or seeking the mandate from the state assembly to strengthen Sabah’s position in the federation.”
MA63 refers to the Malaysia Agreement 1963 and TYT is the Malay abbreviation for Tuan Yang Terutama, or Your Excellency in English.
INCONCLUSIVE
1. Dual portfolio
After a contentious route to the chief minister office, Shafie appointed himself as state finance minister. Like Dr Mahathir’s decision to also take on the education portfolio, the decision was criticised but unlike the latter, Shafie chose to retain both portfolios, saying that he would not hold the finance portfolio longer than necessary to sort out the state’s economic “mess”.
“It’s unfortunate that he did not take the more honourable route. But to be fair, Shafie’s Parti Warisan Sabah did not make any promise to not hold dual portfolios, like Pakatan Harapan and  Shafie also has an degree in Economics, which makes him the most qualified for the post,” said a state assemblyman in the Warisan-led government who declined to be named.
“If Shafie is really serious about reforming governance in Sabah, he shouldn’t take a dual ministerial role. The perception now is that, just like his predecessor, Shafie wants to have a total control over how financial resources are being distributed. But his decision not to let state GLCs to be run by elected politicians is laudable,” said Arnold Puyok.
2. Stance on Kaiduan dam and Tanjung Aru Eco Development (TAED)
“Shafie’s party leaders have vocally opposed the two controversial projects pre-GE14, saying that the BN government did not consider the people involved, and promised to scrap the project. But the lack of clear stance now gives the impression that current state government was only pretending to side with the people for votes, and are not doing anything about it now,” said Bangkuai.
“Shafie has to explain why Kaiduan and the TAED are important in terms if their benefits. he has to convince the people as well that the projects will be developed with great care to ensure that the environmental impacts are minimal,” said Puyok.
There has yet to be a decision on either projects.
3. Reversal on pump boat ban
Championing the people’s livelihood, Shafie lifted the ban on pump boats and reintroduced barter trading with southern Philippines which were enforced at the advice of security authorities in the interest of preventing undesirable elements from entering Sabah.
Cross border criminals, including kidnap-for-ransom groups and smugglers, tend to favour pump boats for their speed and ability to move quickly in waters, even when shallow.
 “This could be good for some fishermen and coastal businesses whose livelihood has been affected, but with security at stake, I think the risk is too high. As it is, there are some intrusions and kidnapping happening where the culprits were using pump boats,” said Bangkuai.
4. The case for state rights, and increased oil royalty
Arguably the biggest political question at stake is whether Shafie can compel the federal government to give in to Sabah’s demands to reinstate the state’s right as enshrined in the MA63 as well as fulfill their pledge to increase the oil royalty from 5 to 20 per cent.
“Shafie’s promise of fighting for the oil royalty and MA63 are nothing new. It has been in the agenda of successive governments since PBS. In fact Shafie, in reply to my question at the state assembly, said he was confident the request for 20 per cent oil royalty would be finalised before end of the year. It's already December and there is no concrete indication it could be met,” said Bangkuai.
“He should tackle the MA63 head-on and in a practical manner, unlike many of the so-called Sabah champions who are only interested in raising anti-federal sentiments,” said Puyok.
So how did Shafie score?
While Shafie’s first six months in office have been riddled with a mix of issues, political observers said he has the benefit of doubt from the people, but also carry a lot of expectations in the “new Malaysia.”
“People are expecting some things to happen quickly, like in peninsular Malaysia, but there is a seeming lack of direction when he takes too long to deliberate ― that is the appointing chairmans for boards and GLCs, Tanjung Aru project and even his stance on child marriage could have been a lot better,” said a political analyst who declined to be named.
The analyst said that the Warisan government must be seen to be on equal footing with the federal government, reminding them that several Warisan leaders hold prominent positions in the federal government as should have more authority and accountability.
“For instance, the MA63 and return of 40 per cent of revenue to the state. These things, although tedious in nature, should be delivered to some extent. There should be more evidence of equal partnership or else it is just like before ― an example of federal powers lording over Sabah again.
“I don’t think the public thinks he performed badly, but there is much to do and improve upon, and there has yet to be concrete signs of a “better” government,” he said.
Source: https://www.malaymail.com/s/1706276/shafies-year-end-rated-the-good-the-bad...-and-the-well-see


Saturday, 17 November 2018

Pairin's Mixed Legacy

Sabah's former Chief Minister Joseph Pairin Kitingan has finally made the decision to leave politics for good. 
Pairin is synonymous with Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS), a multiracial party he founded in 1985. Pairin would be best remembered for winning the Tambunan by-election against the mighty Berjaya party and subsequently the 1985 and 1986 state elections - a period in Sabah politics marked by betrayals, mayhem in the capital city of Kota Kinabalu, and dramatic incidents in the Istana. Many would also remember Pairin for handing over power in a gentlemanly manner to UMNO in 1994 - an act that earned him respect from his comrades and foes alike. Pairin has personal qualities that very few politicians have: loyal, tactful and forgiving.
In delivering his farewell speech at the PBS 33rd party congress, Pairin took the opportunity to admonish United Pasok Momogun Kadazandusun Organisation (UPKO) for its act of  "betrayal" in the aftermath of the GE14.
There are reasons why Pairin was upset about UPKO. 
Pairin knew that multiracialism was the way forward for Sabah and democracy as an attractive ideology to sell to Sabah's diverse society. PBS was formed based on these core principles. Together with Joseph Kurup (PBRS President), Bernard Dompok (UPKO founding President) and others, he formed PBS in 1985. But PBS that led the Sabah Government from 1985-1994 was removed from power after a spate of resignations from party leaders to form PBRS, SAPP and PDS (later UPKO). To date only PBRS remains in Gabungan Bersatu Sabah with PBS.
Pairin could have retired in style if he pushed for reforms in PBS and chose not to contest in GE14. But changes in PBS were painfully slow, resulting in the party losing its appeal among the key ethnic groups in Sabah including the Kadazandusun. When he decided to contest in GE14 and lost to his younger brother Jeffrey in Tambunan, it only reaffirmed the fact that the Huguan Siou (Paramount Leader of the Kadazandusun) was gradually losing his popularity as political leader.
Now PBS is left with Dr Maximus Ongkili and a handful of Pairin's loyal supporters in the party. All eyes are on Dr Maximus on what he will do next to rejuvenate PBS. PBS can leverage on its decisive win in one Muslim Bumiputera and five Kadazandusun seats in GE14 to position itself as a formidable player in Sabah.
To remain relevant in Sabah's changing political landscape, here are the areas where Dr Maximus has to tackle head-on:
1. To improve the party's image and attract more new members. PBS has strong and very appealing core struggles but it has failed in convincing the young people to join the party. Dr Max's challenge is to make the party more attractive to young professionals and graduates. There are many young people who are attracted to PBS' progressive platform but are discouraged by the old guards' lukewarm attitude towards them. It is easier for PBS to lure the young people as it has a broader policy outlook and experience to represent the multiracial Sabah but the question is, is the party ready to allow fresh and young blood to be part of PBS' rejuvenation programme? If Warisan has Jo-Anna Rampas and Darell Leiking, and UPKO Ewon Benedict, Nelson Angang, Felix Saang, etc, who are the emerging young leaders in PBS? 

2. To increase the number of non- Kadazandusun members in the party. As it is now, PBS is heavily Kadazandusun even though it espouses multiracialism. No non-Kadazandusun or non-Christian has ever been elected president. And more non-Kadazandusun and Chinese members are abandoning PBS to join other parties. To make the party more attractive, it should improve its multiracial composition and more drastically, amend the constitution to allow the party's president to be rotated among the key ethnic groups in Sabah. 

3. PBS should talk more about economic issues ie how to create employment for young Sabahans, how to make Sabah an attractive place for investments, etc. This will not deviate PBS from its core regional struggles. PBS can make a lot of difference if it can relate the MA63, autonomy, Sabah's constitutional rights with people's daily needs. Dr Max should take on the Sabah issues not as an academician and but as a policymaker.

Source: https://www.thestar.com.my/news/nation/2018/11/15/pairin-delivers-emotional-goodbye-speech/ fbclid=IwAR1MYublr1NbAWrVpB6KkYxdueX3CGCsjVLWhBYAg890l1E3kSJuPSdeKUY