For many Sabahans, the PBS is synonymous with state rights and autonomy. Its establishment in 1985 came after the PBS leaders fought to restore state rights from the pro federal the BERJAYA (Bersatu Rakyat Jelata Sabah) led by Harris Salleh. At the 26th PBS Annual General Meeting (AGM) held at the Hongkod Koisaan on 30th October 2011, the PBS once again renewed its regionalist stance in front of the Deputy Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin. Only that this time it was done in a rather non-confrontational style by Joseph Pairin Kitingan, the PBS President and Huguan Siou of the Kadazandusun community. Pairin, now at 71, stole the show with a “pantun”. But this was not Pairin more than 20 years ago. Due to age and diminishing health, Pairin was not as aggressive and combative as he used to. But his husky voice and charisma filled the packed hall. Even though the PBS has gradually lost its multi-racial appeal, the crowd who came to the AGM consisted of members from various ethnic groups.
At one corner, one could see a group of Chinese supporters wearing red and waving the national and state flags. At another corner, one could see a group of women supporters wearing pink “tudungs” (one might easily mistaken them for Puteri UMNO members!!!). A “pak cik” with a “songkok” nodded his head thoughtfully whenever he got excited with Pairin’s speech. The multi-racial atmosphere was evident throughout the AGM. What was missing, however, was the presence of the younger members. Reading from a text, Pairin’s speech revolved around the issues of illegal immigrants, Borneonisation, jobs for Sabahans, and opportunities for Sabah-born teachers and contractors. It was not really a policy speech in the strictest sense of the term. When Pairin mentioned these issues, Muhyiddin was seen jotting down some notes. On the illegal immigrant issue, Pairin once again demanded the Federal Government to establish a Royal Commission of Inquiry (RCI). Stating that the proofs are sufficient for an RCI to be established, Pairin urged Muhyiddin to bring the illegal immigrant issue to the attention of the cabinet. While no details on the progress of Borneonisation was given, Pairin said it is important for the pre-Malaysia policy to be observed.
When it was Muhyiddin’s turn to deliver his speech, the delegates were all eyes and ears. Muhyiddin responded to all the points raised by Pairin except for one thing—about oil royalty—which he considered as “sensitive”. On the illegal immigrant issue, Muhyiddin, as in the case of most federal leaders, was non-committal but promised to bring the case to the intention of the Federal Government. Muhyiddin’s response to the Borneonisation policy was a slap on the face for Pairin. Toying with the Federal Government’s meritocracy policy, Muhyiddin said posts in government departments will be filled by qualified Malaysians irrespective of states of origin. While Muhyiddin was “positive” on the last two issues raised by Pairin, the delegates were disappointed as they did not get any constructive feedback from Muhyiddin on the contentious Sabah issues for which the PBS has been fighting for since its inception.
If the atmosphere of the official launching of the PBS AGM was anything to go by, it showed that the PBS is a party of choice for race and religious blind Sabahans. One could see the Muslim Bumiputeras, non-Muslim Bumiputeras, and the Chinese singing PBS’s official anthem in unity and cheering at the mention of Pairin’s name. As mentioned, missing in the event of course were the younger members of PBS. Most who attended the AGM were those in their 40s, 50s and 60s. All the talks that the PBS is having a serious problem in keeping its younger members are real. Most of the younger Kadazandusun are more attracted to the UPKO (United Pasok Momogun Kadazandusun Organisation). This is understandable as the UPKO appears to be more successful in enticing the young generation through its programmes such as the “Komulakan”. Unlike the PBS, the UPKO has young cadre of leaders to take over the party.
It cannot be denied that the PBS remains a popular multi-racial party in Sabah. Even though its multi-racial make-up has slowly diminished, it remains a party of choice for many Sabahans who believe in the principle of multi-racial politics. The PBS, however, is in danger of losing its multi-racial appeal and electoral support if it does not take drastic and strategic actions.
First, the PBS has to quickly fill the leadership vacuum in the party to allow the younger members to contribute meaningfully and to prepare a smooth succession plan. The old guards must be prepared to groom young leaders. These young people must come from different races. It is not clear if the PBS has such a plan now. The UPKO seems to have one through its Komulakan to win the young generation. In the Peninsular Malaysia, the PKR (Parti Keadilan Rakyat) and the DAP (Democratic Action Party) have taken the same approach. Recently, the SUPP has also realised the need to include more young and professional members to contribute to the party. The PBS is no exception if it wants to stay relevant.
Second, in order to continue to enjoy its multi-racial appeal, the PBS must increase its multi-racial members especially among those from the Muslim Bumiputera and Chinese communities who have now looked at UMNO (United Malays National Organisation), DAP, LDP (Liberal Democratic Party) and SAPP (Sabah Action People’s Party) as the alternative to the PBS. Greater role must be given to the Muslim and Chinese members in PBS so that the party is not seen as too Kadazandusun. In essence, the PBS must prove itself that it is a multi-racial party committed to promote multi-racialism in Sabah.
Third, apart from projecting itself as a strong local-based party championing state rights and autonomy, the PBS must look beyond state-centrism as its main struggle. The PBS must start focusing on bread-and-butter issues such as the increase in cost of living, increase in prices of houses, race and religious issues, and so on. The PBS must reduce its regional rhetoric and transform itself to become a party accepted by all including those in the Peninsular Malaysia. For instance, the 2011 Budget recently tabled by Prime Minister Najib Razak should be critically assessed. Rather than accepting it at face value, which Pairin did when delivering his speech, the PBS should form a working committee to critically assess its relevance given Malaysia’s economic reality. And how about the recent Auditor-General’s Report which reveals misappropriation of government’s funds? Where is the PBS? What views does it give? The point is, the PBS must look beyond state issues and broaden its policy proposals.
The SUPP (Sarawak United People’s Party) a popular Chinese-based party in Sarawak faced an embarrassing moment during the by election in Sibu in 2010 and the Sarawak State Election in 2011 after losing many of the crucial Chinese seats. Its president George Chan was even defeated in Miri. The reasons for the SUPP’s dismal performance vary from its failure to connect with the electorate and its inability to reform according to changing times. The PBS risk of facing the same if it does react to the wishes of the electorate. The PBS supporters have grown weary of the party’s snail-paced action to reform. The PBS’s contemporaries the USNO (United Sabah National Organisation) and BERJAYA were disbanded after failing to sustain the electorate’s support. But the PBS must not wait until it is rejected by the electorate. Some have chosen to remain in the PBS and others wait for the right time to leave. If the PBS wants to keep its supporters, it has no choice but to act—and now.
